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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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Pidgins <strong>and</strong> Creoles 241<br />

acrolect: he is eating his dinner.<br />

mesolect 1: (h)im is eating (h)im dinner.<br />

mesolect 2: (h)im eating (h)im dinner.<br />

mesolect 3: im a eat im dinner.<br />

basilect: im a nyam im dinner.<br />

Figure 9.1 Range of speech in the Jamaican Creole continuum<br />

dominant offi cial language, the partial breakdown of formerly rigid social<br />

stratifi cation so that some social mobility is possible, <strong>and</strong> access to education<br />

in the dominant language. Thus, this phenomenon is supposedly the<br />

result of the lexifi er language becoming the target <strong>and</strong> the creole then<br />

becoming heavily infl uenced or restructured by it, a process called ‘decreolization’.<br />

Decreolization is usually defi ned as the gradual modifi cation of<br />

a creole in the direction of the lexifi er. However, some creolists (e.g.<br />

Mufwene, 2001) believe that actually the reverse process led to the development<br />

of the continuum – that is that the lexifi er was gradually modifi ed<br />

to become more basilectal.<br />

Creole speakers have profi ciency over different ranges of the continuum:<br />

Those with more education or higher socio-economic status control<br />

varieties more towards the acrolectal end, <strong>and</strong> those with less education or<br />

lower socio-economic status, towards the basilectal end. Speakers also<br />

shift their speech along the continuum depending on whom they are talking<br />

to <strong>and</strong> the context – more acrolectal in formal contexts <strong>and</strong> basilectal in<br />

informal contexts. For example an educated speaker of Jamaican Creole<br />

might say him eating him dinner to his wife at home, but he is eating his<br />

dinner to his boss at work. In contrast, an uneducated speaker in similar<br />

contexts might say im a nyam im dinner <strong>and</strong> im eating im dinner.<br />

Some well-known studies of the creole continnum include those done<br />

by Rickford (1987) on Guyanese Creole <strong>and</strong> Patrick (1999) on Jamaican<br />

Creole. These <strong>and</strong> many other studies use the quantitative methodology<br />

of variationist sociolinguistics, or what is sometimes called the ‘quantitative<br />

paradigm’ (see Bayley, 2002), to examine the use of particular<br />

variables – that is linguistic features that vary along the continuum. For<br />

example in Figure 9.1, there are at least two variables, each with three variants.<br />

One concerns the subject pronoun: the use of he, him or im <strong>and</strong> the<br />

other concerns present continuous marking: is VERBing, as in English,<br />

VERBing (without the auxiliary) <strong>and</strong> a VERB. In a variationist sociolinguistic<br />

study, the frequency of use of each variant would be calculated for<br />

various speakers <strong>and</strong> statistical analysis would be done to see whether<br />

particular frequencies correspond to social variables such as age, ethnicity,

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