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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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520 Part 6: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Interaction<br />

at least, ‘NNSness’ seems to present a particularly clear case in which<br />

features of the talk are unavoidably linked to the speakers’ categorical<br />

identity. Carroll’s important study shows that such assumptions are not<br />

necessarily warranted even for those phenomena that, on the face of it,<br />

seem most obviously associated with non-native speaker talk.<br />

Conclusion<br />

In this brief review, I hope to have introduced some of the main principles<br />

<strong>and</strong> concerns of CA <strong>and</strong> also to have shown how the basic methods<br />

<strong>and</strong> analytic tools of CA can provide signifi cant insight into the organization<br />

of classroom interaction <strong>and</strong> language learning. Several key points<br />

can be summarized <strong>and</strong> repeated here.<br />

First, CA developed within sociology <strong>and</strong> has inherited from that tradition<br />

a strongly empirical orientation. Analysis involves tacking back <strong>and</strong><br />

forth between the details of particular instances <strong>and</strong> patterns that occur<br />

across a collection of cases.<br />

Second, any given fragment of conversation can be seen as the unique<br />

product of several different, interlocking ‘organizations of practice’ or<br />

‘machineries’. An analysis of some particular fragment that aims to be<br />

comprehensive must consider, at a minimum, organizations of turn-<br />

construction <strong>and</strong> turn-taking, action sequencing, repair <strong>and</strong> overall structure.<br />

CA is a fundamentally qualitative approach, <strong>and</strong> a collection-based<br />

analysis of some recurrent <strong>and</strong> relatively stable phenomenon (next turn<br />

repeats that initiate repair, compressed transition spaces, ‘oh’-prefaced<br />

responses to inquiry) necessarily involves a detailed case-by-case analysis<br />

of each instance on its own terms as a fi rst step.<br />

Third, a basic fi nding is that, in conversation <strong>and</strong> other forms of talk-ininteraction,<br />

intersubjectivity is accomplished <strong>and</strong> maintained through<br />

publicly displayed underst<strong>and</strong>ings conveyed by responses to prior talk. A<br />

fi rst speaker may fi nd that a response betrays a partial, incorrect or otherwise<br />

problematic underst<strong>and</strong>ing of her talk <strong>and</strong> can attempt to repair this<br />

in a subsequent turn. Because this ‘architecture of intersubjectivity’, as<br />

Heritage (1984a, 1984b) described it, is, by its very nature, public, analysts<br />

can use it to empirically ground their own analyses. Indeed, a key point<br />

is that analysts can employ the same methods in studying conversation<br />

that participants used in producing it.<br />

Of course, a review like this one can only scratch the surface of what is<br />

an extremely diverse area of research. The reader who wants to go further<br />

should return to some of the pioneering studies mentioned at the beginning<br />

of this chapter (Sacks et al., 1974; Schegloff, 1968; Schegloff et al.,<br />

1977). These early papers sketched whole domains of interactional organization<br />

(action sequencing, turn-taking, <strong>and</strong> repair) <strong>and</strong> continue to provide

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