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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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372 Part 5: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Identity<br />

<strong>and</strong> how features such as /ng/ (Trudgill, 1974) <strong>and</strong> third-person /s/<br />

(Cheshire, 1978) pattern across male <strong>and</strong> female speakers of British<br />

English. The purpose of this research has been to underst<strong>and</strong> how social<br />

class structures such as gender, class, <strong>and</strong> race are related to linguistic<br />

forms, <strong>and</strong> to provide socially based explanations of linguistic variation<br />

<strong>and</strong> change.<br />

Variationist studies have been critiqued for what has been called the<br />

‘correlational fallacy’ (Cameron, 1997: 59), or the failure to fully explain the<br />

distribution of socially structured linguistic variation. Much research in<br />

the variationist paradigm treats variables such as sex of the speaker as the<br />

cause of variation rather than investigating why it is that men <strong>and</strong> women<br />

(<strong>and</strong> other sexed identities, often neglected in such research) choose to<br />

speak the way they do. Trudgill (1974: 182) has tentatively suggested that<br />

women prefer st<strong>and</strong>ardized norms because of their powerless positions in<br />

society <strong>and</strong> their need to enhance their social positions through linguistic<br />

<strong>and</strong> other means, but most variationists do not seek explanatory theories<br />

in their work on male <strong>and</strong> female differences.<br />

Researchers who have examined ‘men’s’ <strong>and</strong> ‘women’s language’ from<br />

more hermeneutic perspectives have more frequently sought to situate the<br />

features of language that are associated with men <strong>and</strong> women in explanatory<br />

frameworks. In contrast with variationist sociolinguistics, explanations<br />

for differential male <strong>and</strong> female language use are treated as central<br />

in this line of inquiry. Lakoff (1975) is well known for her work on<br />

‘ women’s language’, which she describes as characterized by features<br />

such as greater usage of modals such as should, could <strong>and</strong> might, more<br />

negative politeness (e.g. You wouldn’t mind, would you?) <strong>and</strong> different<br />

vocabulary such as more color terms (e.g. mauve, taupe, ivory) <strong>and</strong> a<br />

distinct set of adjectives (e.g. exquisite, lovely, divine). Taking a feminist perspective,<br />

Lakoff argues that women’s language is a result of patriarchal<br />

social relations <strong>and</strong> hence is a language that refl ects powerlessness <strong>and</strong><br />

subordination. In contrast to most quantitative variationist approaches,<br />

Lakoff takes a theoretical perspective as the starting point in her work,<br />

explaining sex-based language differences as the result of men’s dominance<br />

over women. According to Cameron (2005: 484), Lakoff’s ideas<br />

draw on concepts in socialization theories that view women as subject to<br />

men’s power in social, economic, <strong>and</strong> linguistic spheres of life. Socialization<br />

theories also form a foundation for research by Tannen (1990, 1994), who,<br />

in contrast, has preferred to describe gendered language as involving male<br />

<strong>and</strong> female ‘cultures’, rather than including discussions of power difference<br />

in her research. Tannen argues that men <strong>and</strong> women use language<br />

differently because they have been exposed to different sociolinguistic<br />

subcultures, <strong>and</strong> hence they employ interactional features such as overlap,<br />

eye-contact <strong>and</strong> topic initiation differently, which sometimes leads to<br />

what Tannen calls ‘cross-cultural’ miscommunication.

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