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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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28 Part 1: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Ideology<br />

(King, 2004), among other studies. Variations in individual, family <strong>and</strong><br />

group experience, along with changes over time, continually alter linguistic<br />

ideologies.<br />

A growing body of research shows that sustained efforts to create environments<br />

that include activities, artifacts <strong>and</strong> practices that constantly <strong>and</strong><br />

explicitly valorize the fi rst languages of learners in multilingual settings<br />

outside as well as inside schools are key to learner <strong>and</strong> program success<br />

(Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008). All such efforts include an ideological component<br />

that acts to promote the value of the language used in home <strong>and</strong> community<br />

settings <strong>and</strong>, simultaneously, to counteract the ambivalent or<br />

negative messages of the larger, dominant culture (see also Duff, this<br />

volume; Bayley & Schecter, 2003; Freeman, 1998; <strong>and</strong> Potowski, 2007).<br />

These efforts take place within homes, as parents strive to assist children<br />

with acquisition of language <strong>and</strong> literacy in fi rst, second <strong>and</strong> sometimes<br />

even third languages. Zentella’s (2005) collection includes attention to<br />

some forms of family assistance provided to their children by Hispanic<br />

families in California (also documented in Chavez, 2007, <strong>and</strong> Delgado-<br />

Gaitán, 2001) <strong>and</strong> New York; some are similar to those noted by Dagenais<br />

<strong>and</strong> Moore (2008), who report on the support for development of Chinese<br />

offered by Chinese parents with children in early French–English immersion<br />

programs. Importantly, such family support is not confi ned to the<br />

home, but extends to community settings such as play groups, public celebrations,<br />

religious services <strong>and</strong> other venues where use of non-majority<br />

languages could <strong>and</strong> would be natural. Concerned parents not only help<br />

with homework <strong>and</strong> practice reading in more than one language, but they<br />

also ensure that their children participate, to the extent possible, in social<br />

activities, informal <strong>and</strong> formal, with other speakers of their own languages.<br />

As family circumstances allow, they ensure that learners see <strong>and</strong> use audio<br />

<strong>and</strong> print materials in their native languages <strong>and</strong> even enroll them in supplementary<br />

schools using these languages (Peterson & Heywood, 2007).<br />

Following Fishman’s (1991) dictum that school instruction alone cannot<br />

effect full language profi ciency or inspire interest in genuine language<br />

use, educational agencies concerned with language development <strong>and</strong><br />

revitalization have increased their impact through creation of attractive,<br />

age-appropriate materials that have a life beyond the classroom. One<br />

example is the English–Navajo bilingual newspaper published by high<br />

school students at the Rock Point Community School (McLaughlin, 1992);<br />

another is the development of a CD-ROM related to hockey, a sport popular<br />

with many Ojibwe youth (Williams, 2002); another comes from a program<br />

to revive <strong>and</strong> promote Welsh for use by families with infants <strong>and</strong><br />

very young children, which provided parents with a CD <strong>and</strong> bilingual<br />

Welsh–English coloring <strong>and</strong> activity book, both of which could be used<br />

repeatedly, whenever they might fi t into a family’s routine (Edwards &<br />

Newcombe, 2005). All these innovative materials give children, young

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