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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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98 Part 2: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Society<br />

around the world, this mother imagines ‘her children on a broader stage,<br />

despite their likely lower status abroad’ (Park & Abelmann 2004: 654).<br />

The concept of an imagined community is one that has not gone unnoticed<br />

by ELT private schools. Evidence of this is the establishment of theme<br />

villages that depict an imagined environment. Seargeant (2005), for example,<br />

describes British Hills in Japan, a leisure language-learning complex<br />

that seeks to simulate an ‘authentic’ English-speaking environment. In fact,<br />

the sales slogan ‘boasts that the complex is “More English than Engl<strong>and</strong><br />

itself”’ (Seargeant, 2005: 327). The village is staffed by native speakers<br />

recruited from Britain, Canada, Australia <strong>and</strong> New Zeal<strong>and</strong>. In their job<br />

description, they describe some of the duties of the staff as follows:<br />

• Meeting buses arriving at British Hills with a friendly hello <strong>and</strong> lots<br />

of waving.<br />

• Being on the steps to wave goodbye to groups leaving British Hills.<br />

• Taking the time to stop in the passages/in your department to CHAT<br />

to the guests.<br />

• Being sociable <strong>and</strong> friendly to all guests: whether on or off duty.<br />

• Offering to take <strong>and</strong> star in hundreds of photographs.<br />

• Basically just going the extra mile to make that personal connection<br />

with as many guests as possible. (Seargeant, 2005: 340)<br />

By hiring only native speakers <strong>and</strong> promoting native speaker competency,<br />

the village promotes a reality that is far different from the multilingual/multicultural<br />

Britain of today. In doing so,<br />

The overall effect is to create an environment which is not necessarily<br />

truthful to the original upon which it is purportedly based but is instead<br />

an imagined idea with its own logic <strong>and</strong> reality. The authenticity upon<br />

which British Hills prides itself is not a representation of Britishness as<br />

it is currently constructed <strong>and</strong> enacted in mainstream British society.<br />

Instead, it is an image drawn from aspects of the popular imagination<br />

in Japan, from a tourist industry template . . . <strong>and</strong> also from local protocol<br />

for foreign language education. (Seargeant, 2005: 341)<br />

In this context, authenticity becomes not the genuine item but a fake<br />

representation of a different reality. As Seargent (2005: 341) puts it, ‘simulation<br />

replaces reality, becomes its own reality. A place like British Hills is<br />

not merely representing Britishness but reconstructing it, thus presenting<br />

itself as a detailed realistic image of something that actually exists only<br />

within its own depiction. The use of the concept of authenticity is almost<br />

an irony of the process . . .’. The theory underlying such villages is that<br />

learning can be enhanced by students actually imagining themselves in<br />

the role of a fl uent speaker in an ‘authentic’ environment.<br />

We have then learned much about how imagined communities can further<br />

reinforce Kachru’s idea of English competency as a kind of Aladdin’s

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