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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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494 Part 6: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Interaction<br />

frequently mean more than they say which of course they do (e.g. ‘I’m not<br />

happy’, ‘Well! that was interesting’), how are we able to determine what in<br />

fact they mean in any given case? Garfi nkel noted that in fact, in the course<br />

of their everyday activities, members of society do not seem bothered by<br />

the kind of radical indeterminacy this would seem to imply. Rather, they<br />

adopt an attitude to everyday life that seems to largely circumvent these<br />

potential problems. For instance Garfi nkel noted that unless given reason<br />

not to, people generally assume that things are as they seem – they trust,<br />

that is, in ordinary appearances. By the early to mid-1960s, Harvey Sacks<br />

was deeply immersed in themes that Garfi nkel <strong>and</strong> Goffman had developed,<br />

<strong>and</strong> it is common <strong>and</strong> not entirely inaccurate to say that CA emerged<br />

as a synthesis of these two currents – it was the study of practical reasoning<br />

(Garfi nkel) applied to the special <strong>and</strong> particular topic of social interaction<br />

(Goffman).<br />

The sequential organization of underst<strong>and</strong>ing in conversation<br />

One of the key insights of early CA was that conversationalists’ methods<br />

of practical reasoning are founded upon the unique properties of conversation<br />

as a system. For instance, conversationalists inspect next turns to<br />

see if <strong>and</strong> how their own talk has been understood. That is, they exploit<br />

the systematic properties of conversation in reasoning about it. As analysts<br />

we can exploit the same resource. Consider the following fragment<br />

from one of Sacks’ recordings of the Group Therapy Sessions. 2<br />

(1) (Sacks, 1995a: vol. I: 281). 3<br />

1 Roger: On Hollywood Boulevard the other night they were<br />

2 giving tickets for dirty windshields ((door opens))<br />

3 Jim: hh<br />

4 Therapist: Hi, Jim [c’mon in.<br />

5 Jim: [H’warya<br />

6 Therapist: Jim, this is uh Al,<br />

7 Jim: Hi<br />

8 Therapist: Ken,<br />

9 Jim: Hi<br />

10 Ken: Hi<br />

11 Therapist: Roger.<br />

12 Roger: → Hi<br />

13 Jim: Hi<br />

14 Therapist: Jim Reed.<br />

Sacks (1995a [1966]) draws attention to ‘the prima facie evidence afforded<br />

by a subsequent speaker’s talk’ in his analysis of the therapist’s turns at

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