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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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Multilingualism <strong>and</strong> Codeswitching in <strong>Education</strong> 135<br />

Ethnographic observations<br />

Besides the methods discussed above, researchers interested in investigating<br />

classroom CS have also made use of ethnographic observations<br />

including participant observations <strong>and</strong> audio <strong>and</strong>/or video recording of<br />

language use in bilingual classrooms (Hadjioannou, 2009; Lin, 1990;<br />

Martin-Jones, 1995; Zentella, 1981). For instance, Hadjioannou (2009)<br />

reports on an ethnographic study of St<strong>and</strong>ard Greek–Greek Cypriot dialect<br />

CS she conducted in bilingual classrooms in Cyprus, noting that teachers<br />

engaged in CS for classroom management, for elaboration or clarifi cation,<br />

or for joking. Similarly, Martin-Jones (1995) describes two ethnographic<br />

studies of CS, one by Zentella (1981) based on observations of Spanish-<br />

English bilingual classes in New York <strong>and</strong> the second by Lin (1990) on<br />

English–Cantonese bilingual classrooms in Hong Kong. The results of<br />

these studies reveal that teachers engaged in CS to mitigate the effect of<br />

admonition, to make asides, to make metalinguistic commentaries (Zentella,<br />

1981), or to ensure thorough underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the teaching points by reiterating<br />

<strong>and</strong> elaborating them in L1 (Lin, 1990). It must be said, however,<br />

that the very presence of the investigator–participant observer in the classroom,<br />

together with the recording instruments, makes ethnographic observations<br />

somewhat intrusive. As such, ethnographic observations run into<br />

the same problem of the observer’s paradox that Labov (1978) has raised.<br />

Nevertheless, data from ethnographic observations not only provide<br />

insights into the ways in which teachers <strong>and</strong> learners get things done bilingually<br />

in the classroom (Martin-Jones, 1995), but also indicate, as observed<br />

earlier, that classroom CS is a mirror image of language practice in the<br />

wider bilingual society. As Joshua Fishman would put it, ‘societal factors<br />

dictate much of what is taught <strong>and</strong> to whom; as well as how it is taught <strong>and</strong><br />

by whom; <strong>and</strong> fi nally how all of those involved in the teaching-learning<br />

process interact with each other’ (Fishman, 1977: 32).<br />

To summarize, the methods described above, namely, written texts,<br />

interviews, tape recording, language surveys, <strong>and</strong> ethnographic observations,<br />

have generated a signifi cant body of data for CS analysis. They do,<br />

however, each have their limitations <strong>and</strong> challenges, as already noted with<br />

respect to the observer’s paradox (Labov, 1978). An eclectic approach, one<br />

that uses a combination of some of these methods for data collection,<br />

might help counter the challenges <strong>and</strong> allow the investigator to gain more<br />

insights into CS, especially its use in the educational context.<br />

Conclusion <strong>and</strong> Directions for Further Research<br />

This chapter has highlighted research fi ndings on why bilingual teachers<br />

<strong>and</strong> students sometime use CS in the classroom. Research shows that<br />

classroom CS, just like CS in the wider multilingual society, is not r<strong>and</strong>om.

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