Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

438 Part 5: Language and Identity
mainstream educational and professional contexts, and also to suggest to
educators how they might incorporate familiar home or community interaction
practices, such as oral story-telling, to a greater extent to bridge
language and literacy traditions. Barnard and Torres-Guzmán’s (2009) collection
of international case studies of language socialization in elementary
and secondary schools from which the above excerpts were drawn
reveals the diverse ways in which students are enculturated into the local
norms of ‘doing school’ and being students.
In higher education vocational settings in the United Kingdom,
researchers have sought to uncover elements of high-stakes interview discourse
that often prevent foreign-born prospective employees from being
hired by local companies, with the goal of raising the job seekers’ (and in
some cases the interviewers’) awareness of local interview discourse and
features of more successful interviews (e.g. Campbell & Roberts, 2007;
Duff, 2008a). Thus, the range of contexts for research on language socialization
across the lifespan of individuals as well as at any period in their
lives, in which they must learn to participate effectively in multiple discourse
communities, is steadily growing.
As language socialization researchers have increasingly situated their
research in formal education contexts in schools (both secular and religious),
vocational programs, higher education, clinical and professional
programs (such as law, medicine, engineering) and other types of programs,
as well as in informal settings, the intersection between language
socialization and language education has become both more salient and
more confl ated (e.g. Bayley & Schecter, 2003; Duff & Hornberger, 2008).
Increasingly, too, educationally oriented language socialization research
has turned its attention to issues in bilingual and multilingual learning
communities (or monolingual dominant societies with novices who are, or
are becoming, multilingual) in such diverse regions as Japan (Cook, 2008);
Hungary (Duff, 1995, 1996), Cameroon (Moore, 1999, 2008), the Solomon
Islands (Watson-Gegeo, 1992), and Canada (Bayley & Schecter, 2003; Duff,
2003), as well as in the United States (Baquedano-Lopez & Kattan, 2008;
Barnard & Torres-Guzmán, 2009; Bronson & Watson-Gegeo, 2008; He,
2008, to name just a few sources and sites).
Recent studies have, moreover, examined fascinating issues connected
with socialization within Deaf communities and educational institutions
internationally (Erting & Kuntze, 2008), as well as in communities in which
people suffer from various degenerative conditions, such as schizophrenia
(Walsh, 2008). In the case of Deaf language socialization, parents in the
position of socializing Deaf children into and through language may
themselves not be Deaf and may not know sign language and their children
may have little or no access to oral language, sign language or lip
reading. Their children may eventually attend schools for Deaf children
and learn sign language, which they then may try to teach their parents