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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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<strong>Language</strong> Policy <strong>and</strong> Planning 157<br />

have direct bearing on LP since policy as argument is ultimately an issue<br />

of language, <strong>and</strong> the object of LP is language itself.<br />

The next section describes a wider approach to LP that moves towards<br />

a non-mechanistic underst<strong>and</strong>ing supported by these developments in<br />

the policy sciences. It will serve as a preamble to an account of how the<br />

regular work of language teachers forms a crucial component of an<br />

overall approach to LP.<br />

Armed with these indications of a more comprehensive approach, where<br />

do we look to fi nd language policy? Where is LP located? People usually<br />

look to two main sources, implied in the cited defi nitions, to identify<br />

language policies. These are public texts <strong>and</strong> public discourse (or debate).<br />

Observing how LP <strong>and</strong> how language changes come about however,<br />

requires the addition of a third rich source of LP activity. This refers to the<br />

modelling of language behaviours by key individuals, referred to here as<br />

performance. The three sources of LP activity in this view are texts, argument-discourse<br />

<strong>and</strong> performance, or performative action.<br />

Public texts<br />

The term public texts refers to the offi cial documentation issued by a<br />

state or its agencies. A national constitution is the most obvious <strong>and</strong> highest<br />

example of a public or offi cial state text. Many countries have constitutional<br />

clauses devoted to language, sometimes simply acknowledging a<br />

widely spoken national language as offi cial (prevailing practice becoming<br />

formal policy), sometimes declaring offi cial a language which is not widely<br />

spoken (New Zeal<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Irel<strong>and</strong> are examples), sometimes declaring<br />

equal status for more than one language. Most name a single language as<br />

offi cial, but the South African Constitution designates 11 languages offi -<br />

cial while India schedules national <strong>and</strong> regional offi cial languages. Formal<br />

declarations about the role <strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ing of languages seem straightforward,<br />

but because constitutional declarations can be symbolic as well as<br />

practical <strong>and</strong> can enshrine or seek to change an existing state of affairs,<br />

constitutional language clauses carry meaning beyond their declarative<br />

intent. While constitutions are slow-acting <strong>and</strong> long-lasting, they are often<br />

present in debates about what is intended, permitted, or desired, as suggested<br />

in the expression ‘the spirit of the constitution’. Collective engagement<br />

with the meanings of the constitution is ‘constitutionalism’ (Tully,<br />

1997) suggesting a political community’s relationship with its founding or<br />

key documents. Beyond the political accommodations they contain, public<br />

texts symbolise nationality <strong>and</strong> give direction <strong>and</strong> order to the expressive<br />

<strong>and</strong> collective life of the political community.<br />

LP has serious practical consequences <strong>and</strong> constitutions as public texts<br />

are the ultimate expression of the resolution of LP disputes <strong>and</strong> struggle<br />

between interests among society’s component groups. For example,

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