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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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<strong>Language</strong> Socialization 437<br />

the appropriate communicative strategies, others may not, for a variety<br />

of reasons, without explicit pedagogical intervention or consciousnessraising,<br />

a point I will return to.<br />

<strong>Language</strong> socialization research has always encompassed both language<br />

education <strong>and</strong> language in education (i.e. socialization/learning to use language<br />

<strong>and</strong> socialization/learning through language, Ochs & Schieffelin,<br />

2008). However, education here should not be equated with formal education.<br />

<strong>Language</strong> socialization research has examined the linguistic <strong>and</strong><br />

other communicative practices that people are socialized into across a<br />

wide range of age groups <strong>and</strong> geographical, linguistic <strong>and</strong> social contexts<br />

<strong>and</strong> also how language mediates the acquisition of other kinds of knowledge<br />

(about science, law, engineering, about what foods at dinnertime are<br />

considered tasty, about the nature of work, or morality; Ochs & Schieffelin,<br />

2008). Informal education contexts range from parent–infant interactions<br />

in the home to family dinner table discussions or community center groups<br />

(Duff & Hornberger, 2008). The seminal early studies of the socialization<br />

of young children (e.g. Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986) examined how people<br />

convey expectations to young children regarding norms of communicative<br />

competence in their communities, including sociolinguistically or<br />

pragmatically appropriate language <strong>and</strong> literacy use connected with<br />

everyday verbal interactions. Studies investigated how children learn, by<br />

observation <strong>and</strong> sometimes prompts, reminders <strong>and</strong> admonitions to use<br />

situationally appropriate greetings, requests <strong>and</strong> turn-taking behaviors<br />

(‘Don’t interrupt’; ‘It’s not your turn’; ‘Now you can speak’) <strong>and</strong> considered<br />

how children learn to take part in other ritualized speech acts, such<br />

as teasing, shaming, or insulting one another or engaging in verbal play in<br />

the manner that is commonly practiced in their communities (Ochs &<br />

Schieffelin, 2008; Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986). The same children may naturally<br />

experiment <strong>and</strong> innovate with language to develop new practices<br />

<strong>and</strong> new codes of language, which create solidarity among their peers but<br />

which they were not socialized into by their elders <strong>and</strong>, indeed, which<br />

their elders may dislike or resist (e.g. youth slang or other forms of vernacular<br />

language use, graffi ti, new instant messaging symbols or codes;<br />

Lam, 2008).<br />

Much language socialization research has, nevertheless, <strong>and</strong> increasingly,<br />

been deeply concerned with more formal educational processes <strong>and</strong><br />

issues, such as the accommodation of diverse, often (potentially) disadvantaged,<br />

learners within linguistic communities (Duff, 2008b; Heath,<br />

1983). Researchers have sought to discover learners’ home <strong>and</strong> community<br />

discourse traditions <strong>and</strong> any important differences there might be<br />

between home <strong>and</strong> school (or school <strong>and</strong> work) environments with respect<br />

to literacy practices, such as the ways in which children learn to talk about<br />

texts. A practical goal has been to help educators <strong>and</strong> learners negotiate<br />

better access to, <strong>and</strong> participation in, forms of discourse valued in

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