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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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408 Part 5: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Identity<br />

language, Spanish <strong>and</strong> English are commonly perceived as separate languages.<br />

There are several varieties of Spanish, however, <strong>and</strong> the tensions<br />

<strong>and</strong> hierarchies created among them can be quite fi erce (Zentella, 2004).<br />

Because the use of Spanish <strong>and</strong> English varieties often plays important<br />

roles in the construction of ethnicity within Latino communities, research<br />

in this area is often centered on issues of bilingualism <strong>and</strong> codeswitching,<br />

which is the alternation between two (or more) language varieties in interaction<br />

(see Kamwangamalu, this volume). Certainly not all Latinos speak<br />

Spanish: while immigrant <strong>and</strong> second generation Latinos are often bilingual,<br />

it is not uncommon to fi nd monolingual English-speaking Latinos in<br />

third <strong>and</strong> later generations (Fought, 2003). Whether Latinos speak Spanish<br />

or not, there are also other available resources for constructing ethnic<br />

identity, including Latino English varieties, such as Chicano English, <strong>and</strong><br />

other ethnic varieties, including AAE.<br />

Attitudes toward Spanish, bilingualism, codeswitching <strong>and</strong> Latino<br />

English varieties can be quite complex among Latino groups. While many<br />

Latinos view speaking Spanish as important – if not essential – to Latino<br />

ethnicity (Zentella, 1997), there are others who feel confl icted about the<br />

role of Spanish in their lives. This is not surprising given the overall negative<br />

attitudes toward Spanish <strong>and</strong> Spanish speakers in the United States.<br />

In the face of institutionalized discrimination ranging from mass media<br />

discourses that associate Spanish with being poor <strong>and</strong> uneducated to<br />

educational policies like Proposition 227, which essentially dismantled<br />

bilingual education in California in 1998, Latinos can hardly be blamed for<br />

shifting to English. Codeswitching between Spanish <strong>and</strong> English (often<br />

referred to as ‘Spanglish’) is still common among bilingual Latinos; <strong>and</strong><br />

while embraced by Latino youth in particular, there is also a keen awareness<br />

that codeswitching is negatively viewed in institutions, such as<br />

schools (Urciuoli, 1996). The use of Latino English varieties also becomes<br />

important in the construction of ethnic identity for both bilingual <strong>and</strong><br />

monolingual English-speaking Latinos. Chicano English, the most extensively<br />

studied Latino English variety, is spoken primarily by Mexican<br />

Americans in the Southwest (Fought, 2003). It initially emerged from language<br />

contact between Spanish <strong>and</strong> English varieties, but is now an ethnic<br />

dialect of English since it is learned as a native language (cf. pidgins <strong>and</strong><br />

creoles, Siegel, this volume). Because Chicano English features can sound<br />

Spanish, Chicano English speakers are often mistakenly viewed as Spanish<br />

speakers who are learning English, even if they are monolingual English<br />

speakers (Fought, 2006).<br />

Native Americans<br />

In contrast to Latinos, who are united by a common linguistic heritage<br />

through Spanish, Indigenous tribal communities in the United States

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