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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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<strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong>: A Limpopo Lens 553<br />

language planning (LP) can drive corpus LP – importantly, that there is a<br />

site of resource building for African languages within pedagogic use of<br />

the languages as media of instruction (Ramani et al., 2007).<br />

To grasp the signifi cance <strong>and</strong> achievements of this university-level<br />

bilingual program in English <strong>and</strong> Sepedi (Sotho), it is necessary to underst<strong>and</strong><br />

the multilingual context in which it arose – a context of vast inequity<br />

<strong>and</strong> asymmetry of power. South African scholars Bloch <strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er<br />

describe the postapartheid language situation of South Africa in terms of<br />

the context continua of biliteracy, thus:<br />

English is the dominant <strong>and</strong> hegemonic language because of its global<br />

status as the language of business, the internet, etc., but also because<br />

it has served in the course of many decades of struggle as the, to some<br />

extent mythical, language of national unity <strong>and</strong> language of liberation.<br />

There is no doubt at all that it has been, <strong>and</strong> continues to be, the<br />

language of wider communication for all middle-class South Africans,<br />

including the current political class.<br />

Situated along the micro–macro context continuum, between English<br />

<strong>and</strong> the indigenous African languages, is Afrikaans ... [which] came<br />

to be associated with the struggle of the Afrikaner people against<br />

British imperialism … <strong>and</strong> with the racist policies <strong>and</strong> practices of<br />

the Afrikaner nationalist movement. ... As a result black South<br />

Africans ... regard it as ‘the language of the oppressor.’ ... However,<br />

the real power of Afrikaans as the lingua franca of the commercial farming<br />

zone <strong>and</strong> of the formerly white-dominated rural towns makes it a<br />

language that it is still necessary to learn for purely economic reasons.<br />

Close to the micro end of the continuum lie clustered together the nine<br />

indigenous African languages which were accorded offi cial status in<br />

1993–4. The hierarchy even among these languages is of major signifi -<br />

cance in the South African context since the allocation of the meagre<br />

resources that are available ... depends on where in terms of power/<br />

status along the continua they are offi cially deemed to be located.<br />

Roughly, we could say that Zulu, Xhosa, Tswana, Pedi, Sotho, Tsonga,<br />

Swati, Ndebele, <strong>and</strong> Venda in that order constitute a segment of the<br />

steep gradient of South Africa’s offi cial languages. They all have very<br />

few high-status functions <strong>and</strong> the attitude of most of their speakers<br />

could be described by the term ‘static maintenance syndrome’ (pace<br />

Baker, 1996), that is, they are prepared to keep their languages alive<br />

for community <strong>and</strong> family uses but see no point in trying to develop<br />

<strong>and</strong> modernise them for higher economic, political <strong>and</strong> cultural functions.<br />

(Bloch & Alex<strong>and</strong>er, 2003: 91–92)<br />

In this context, CEMS is a project which, similar to Bloch <strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s<br />

own efforts through the Project for the Study of Alternative <strong>Education</strong> in

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