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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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430 Part 5: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Identity<br />

((student st<strong>and</strong>s)) OK. Can you tell me what this is ((with a fl ashcard<br />

of the picture pepper))<br />

Ss: Pepper.<br />

T: Pepper. Very good. 26. Where is 26? Ok, what is this?<br />

Ss: ((silence))<br />

T: OK, everyone st<strong>and</strong> up. St<strong>and</strong> up. If you keep quiet, please sit down.<br />

That’s okay, if you want to st<strong>and</strong> up, it’s all right. I know you want to chat.<br />

That’s fi ne. Our rule is that, if you want to talk, you have to st<strong>and</strong> up.<br />

T: Ok, it’s ok. 26. What is this?<br />

Sa: (xxx)<br />

T: In English. No Chinese.<br />

Ss: Butter . . ..<br />

(adapted from Tien & Barnard, 2009: 92)<br />

Not surprisingly, in all three contexts, the teacher demonstrates his or<br />

her authority <strong>and</strong> control, from the fi rst sign that the lesson has begun.<br />

However, in Excerpts 1 <strong>and</strong> 2 student monitors also play the role of initiating<br />

opening sequences <strong>and</strong> managing classroom behavior, by telling their<br />

peers to sit up straight <strong>and</strong> bow (Excerpt 1, in Japan), <strong>and</strong> modeling how<br />

the teacher should be formally greeted (using Arabic <strong>and</strong> English in<br />

Excerpt 2 in Brunei, not the Malay vernacular). They are also socializing<br />

their peers <strong>and</strong> mediating communication between the teacher <strong>and</strong> the<br />

class. Excerpt 3 begins more abruptly with students being asked, after just<br />

one opening move by the teacher, to st<strong>and</strong> up <strong>and</strong> answer questions about<br />

the English lesson, even though the responses seem to be part of a chorus<br />

of student voices. In the same excerpt, students are referred to by numbers,<br />

not by their names, <strong>and</strong> are expected to speak during the instructional<br />

phase in English, not M<strong>and</strong>arin Chinese or Taiwanese (local<br />

languages the students are bilingual in). We also observe that students are<br />

required to comport themselves physically in particular ways, st<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

when speaking to the teacher in some cases, bowing at the beginning of<br />

the lesson (Excerpt 1), putting their h<strong>and</strong>s up to identify themselves as<br />

potential speakers, but not speaking unless st<strong>and</strong>ing up; <strong>and</strong> otherwise<br />

sitting attentively. Ideologies of respect, the sociolinguistics of polite greetings<br />

between teachers <strong>and</strong> students, <strong>and</strong> questioning patterns for classroom<br />

instruction are all being modeled (see also Howard & Lo, 2009).<br />

Students are being socialized in each case into the local norms <strong>and</strong> practices<br />

– <strong>and</strong> the languages, registers <strong>and</strong> speech acts – of their school cultures<br />

<strong>and</strong> lessons.<br />

Such opening routines in classroom lessons no doubt vary in some<br />

respects across languages <strong>and</strong> cultures but tend to demonstrate certain<br />

commonalities related to focusing students’ attention on the day’s lesson<br />

or on a particular activity, as well as on the teacher’s (or a guest speaker’s<br />

or student presenter’s) instruction. The routines also help manage<br />

turn-taking.

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