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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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460 Part 6: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Interaction<br />

Culture, as the ensemble of discursively mediated practices, has both<br />

universal <strong>and</strong> local dimensions.<br />

Turning to the myth of homogeneity, the practice of referring to particular<br />

‘cultures’ by the names of nations or ethnic groups (the Finns, the<br />

Hawaiians) reinforces the idea that communities that share the same name<br />

also share the same practices <strong>and</strong> belief systems. Throughout its history,<br />

anthropology did much to promote views of culture as cohesive ways of<br />

being in the world that identify distinct social groups. But the counter<br />

positions that came to the fore with poststructuralist critiques in the late<br />

20th century (e.g. Clifford & Marcus, 1986) were foreshadowed much earlier<br />

by anthropologists who emphasized the internal diversity of communities,<br />

the existence of ‘subculture’ within the ‘generalized culture’ (Sapir,<br />

1949: 515). Wallace’s succinct formulation of culture as an ‘organization of<br />

diversity’ (Wallace, 1961: 28) <strong>and</strong> Clifford’s portrayal of culture as ‘temporal,<br />

emergent, <strong>and</strong> disputed’ (Clifford, 1986: 19) sit well with contemporary<br />

perspectives on the increasingly multilingual <strong>and</strong> multicultural<br />

communities around the world. Theories <strong>and</strong> empirical evidence suggest<br />

that the cultural fabric of multiethnic neighborhoods, workplaces <strong>and</strong><br />

educational institutions produces identities marked by fragmentation,<br />

hybridity (see Kraidy, 2005, for discussion) <strong>and</strong> liminality (Rampton,<br />

1999). 1<br />

Contrasting perspectives on intercultural discourse<br />

How do participants in these <strong>and</strong> other settings address themselves to<br />

intercultural interaction, <strong>and</strong> what theoretical approaches have been proposed<br />

to explicate it? A preliminary answer allows us to distinguish two<br />

main perspectives, summarized in Table 17.1 (for a related, in-depth discussion<br />

of research paradigms <strong>and</strong> social theories in sociolinguistics, see<br />

Coupl<strong>and</strong> et al., 2001). According to sociostructural theories, social action<br />

<strong>and</strong> language use are determined by macrostructural forces <strong>and</strong> internalized<br />

social norms that powerfully constrain the agency of individuals <strong>and</strong><br />

social groups. In sociolinguistics, the prototypical example of a sociostructural<br />

approach is variationist sociolinguistics in the tradition of William<br />

Labov. Rationalist theories, following the sociological tradition of Max<br />

Weber, conceptualize social actions as cognitively based, intentional, goalrelated<br />

means–end calculations. In sociolinguistics, they include such<br />

prominent theories as Myers-Scotton’s Markedness Model of codeswitching<br />

(1993), motivational theories of communicative accommodation (Giles<br />

& Coupl<strong>and</strong>, 1991), Grice’s theory of meaning (Grice, 1957), Searle’s speech<br />

act theory (Searle, 1969), relevance theory (Sperber & Wilson, 1986/1995)<br />

<strong>and</strong> Brown <strong>and</strong> Levinson’s politeness theory (Brown & Levinson,<br />

1978/1987). Despite their ontological differences, sociostructural <strong>and</strong><br />

rationalist perspectives are often merged in research practice, <strong>and</strong> they

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