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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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<strong>Language</strong> Socialization 433<br />

must also learn to express gratitude in culturally <strong>and</strong> linguistically<br />

appropriate ways, or risk being considered rude or self-centered.<br />

Affective stances in formal educational contexts might involve expressing<br />

passion or enthusiasm about academic content (‘I thought this was a<br />

fascinating topic’ or ‘Isn’t this piece of lava I found cool?’), or conveying<br />

one’s nervousness about presenting (hedging, stammering, speaking too<br />

softly or saying things like ‘I’m, um, kind of nervous to be st<strong>and</strong>ing up<br />

here’). Some of these same behaviors might receive feedback such as,<br />

‘Could you speak louder?’ or ‘Don’t say you’re nervous; everyone’s nervous<br />

at fi rst’, or laughter <strong>and</strong> rolling eyes (Duff, 2002). Students might be<br />

expected to frame their remarks in the fi rst person: ‘I believe that . . .’, or<br />

they might be asked to present in a somewhat more dispassionate <strong>and</strong><br />

objective voice ‘Scientists believe that x causes y. . .’). They might encode<br />

their degree of certainty or conviction about a topic (their epistemic stance)<br />

in English in ways that they have observed in others, using particular verbs<br />

(‘I argue that . . .’), adjectives (‘the best example’) or adverbs (certainly, obviously);<br />

alternatively, they may be socialized within a particular context to<br />

soften or mitigate their opinions with modals auxiliaries (e.g. may, should,<br />

might) or other markers of less certainty (possibly, perhaps, ‘I don’t know for<br />

sure but . . .’), so as not to seem too arrogant or strident in their claims (see<br />

e.g. Morita, 2000; Zappa-Hollman, 2007a). These examples come from<br />

English but studies have looked at these sorts of phenomena across a variety<br />

of languages <strong>and</strong> speech events (e.g. Duranti et al., in press).<br />

In addition to examining how people are socialized into the communicative<br />

practices of those with more experience in their new discourse communities,<br />

studies have looked at how, as languages are learned, so too are<br />

other forms of knowledge <strong>and</strong> other semiotic (meaning-making) systems.<br />

Thus, studies have considered how nonlinguistic knowledge is instilled<br />

<strong>and</strong> mediated by language as well as linguistic knowledge. Nonlinguistic<br />

knowledge might include underst<strong>and</strong>ings <strong>and</strong> beliefs about the world<br />

<strong>and</strong> of one’s place in the world as a high-status person or a low-status<br />

person, an insider or an outsider, about prevailing academic, professional<br />

or religious epistemologies <strong>and</strong> values (e.g. Fader, 2006), about gendered<br />

or other social identities, or even about knowledge about work <strong>and</strong> about<br />

play (e.g. Kyratzis & Cook-Gumperz, 2008; Paugh, 2008). Thus, language<br />

mediates the development of people’s identities as individuals with particular<br />

traits, roles or subjectivities (as child, girl or boy, student, athlete,<br />

teacher, new immigrant, public speaker, Deaf individual; or as a credible<br />

lawyer, doctor or engineer). People are also socialized into identities in<br />

relation to the groups they are part of or becoming part of (engineers, lawyers)<br />

– or they may resist being socialized into particular identities or positioned<br />

as such (e.g. as a compliant student), <strong>and</strong> instead may exert their<br />

agency <strong>and</strong> foreground other identities, as outspoken critic or class clown,<br />

for example.

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