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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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Cross-cultural Perspectives on Writing 269<br />

textual structures. Moreover, rhetorical genre studies (e.g. Coe, 2002;<br />

Miller, 1984), which emphasize genre as social action rather than as a mere<br />

system of structures, shift our attention from static <strong>and</strong> neutral textual<br />

forms to a view of writing as social action through which writers conform,<br />

appropriate or bend textual expectations to express their meaning. As<br />

such, social, political <strong>and</strong> ideological contexts infl uence genre to be always<br />

(re)constructed <strong>and</strong> they make textual structures fl uid <strong>and</strong> generative (see<br />

more discussion later). In this perspective, analyzing a text without taking<br />

into consideration the complexity <strong>and</strong> dynamics of genre produces<br />

limited insight.<br />

Other studies conduct more careful comparisons of published texts<br />

within the same genre in two languages. They reveal some similarities as<br />

well as differences in cross-cultural rhetorical structures. For example,<br />

Taylor <strong>and</strong> Chen (1991) compared Chinese <strong>and</strong> English academic papers<br />

published in China in related fi elds of science to English papers in the same<br />

fi elds published in English-speaking countries; they found that the papers’<br />

introductions share similar rhetorical moves across cultures, although the<br />

Chinese-based papers tended to summarize the literature less frequently<br />

than did English papers, which the authors attributed to a reluctance to<br />

expose others’ work as a source of shortcoming. Investigating the method<br />

of citation in Chinese <strong>and</strong> English academic papers, Bloch <strong>and</strong> Chi (1995)<br />

compared English articles published in Science magazine with Chinese<br />

articles published in equivalent journals. They found that Chinese authors<br />

use citations with varied functions, including critical ones, as English<br />

authors do, although they use them less frequently than English authors.<br />

Partly because of the pedagogical focus <strong>and</strong> availability of data, other<br />

studies have examined students’ ESL essays <strong>and</strong> made claims about culturally<br />

specifi c rhetorical structures <strong>and</strong> L1–L2 rhetorical transfer by<br />

implication (Kaplan, 1966, 1967, 1972; Ostler, 1987, 1990; Söter, 1988). For<br />

example, Kaplan (1966) supported cultural differences in thought patterns<br />

by comparing excerpts of L2 essays written by ESL students from different<br />

L1 backgrounds with a prototypical English essay. The identifi cation of<br />

culturally specifi c rhetorical organizations leads to a claim for L1–L2 transfer<br />

of rhetoric. The underlying assumption is that ESL essays written by<br />

students from different L1 backgrounds exhibit unique group features<br />

because the students use L1 rhetoric in their L2 writing. However, this<br />

assumption is problematic; without knowledge about students’ writing in<br />

their L1, L1–L2 transfer can only be speculated on. In addition, multiple<br />

factors besides L1 rhetorical features affect L2 writing process <strong>and</strong> products.<br />

These factors include L2 profi ciency (lexical, syntactic <strong>and</strong> semantic<br />

competencies), L1 writing expertise (e.g. Cumming, 1989; Kubota, 1998a;<br />

Sasaki & Hirose, 1996), developmental issues including instructional focus<br />

(e.g. instructional tendency to focus on the sentence level rather than text<br />

organization in L2 classrooms – see Mohan & Lo, 1985), <strong>and</strong> individual

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