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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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124 Part 2: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Society<br />

is that all linguistic choices, including CS, are indices of social negotiations<br />

of rights <strong>and</strong> obligations existing between participants in a conversational<br />

exchange (Myers-Scotton, 1993: 152–153). These rights <strong>and</strong> obligations<br />

are said to derive from whatever situational features are salient to the<br />

exchange, such as the status of the participants, the topic <strong>and</strong> the setting.<br />

It is the interplay between these features <strong>and</strong> more dynamic, individual<br />

considerations that determines the linguistic choices that individuals<br />

make about media for conversational exchanges.<br />

The markedness approach predicts (Myers-Scotton, 1993: 156) CS as a<br />

realization of one of the following three types of negotiations. First, in<br />

conventionalized exchanges, CS may be an unmarked choice between<br />

peers, unmarked in the sense that it is the expected choice for the exchange<br />

in question <strong>and</strong> its use signals solidarity <strong>and</strong> in-groupness identity<br />

amongst the participants. Second, with any participants in such exchanges<br />

CS may be a marked choice, that is, it is the unexpected choice in that<br />

exchange <strong>and</strong> therefore signals social distance amongst the participants.<br />

And, third, in nonconventionalized exchanges or uncertain situations, CS<br />

is an exploratory choice presenting multiple identities. It is explained that<br />

in these situations, since there is no apparent unmarked choice, speakers<br />

nominate an exploratory choice as the basis for the exchange. In other<br />

words, speakers ‘negotiate’ one code fi rst as a medium for the exchange<br />

<strong>and</strong>, depending upon the outcome of the negotiation, they may negotiate<br />

another code until they are satisfi ed that they have reached the balance of<br />

rights <strong>and</strong> obligations required for that particular conversational exchange.<br />

The markedness approach has indeed contributed signifi cantly to our<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ing of why bilingual speakers use their languages the way<br />

they do in their communities. However, it has been criticized for being too<br />

static to account for the social motivations for CS across languages <strong>and</strong><br />

cultures (Kamwangamalu, 1996; Meeuwis & Blommaert, 1994). Consider,<br />

for instance, the following conversation between a lecturer <strong>and</strong> his students<br />

in a lecture room at the University of Swazil<strong>and</strong> in Southern Africa.<br />

The lecturer (the author) negotiates an early date for a test with his students,<br />

but the students would prefer to write the test later because they<br />

have already committed to writing tests for other courses. Not to challenge<br />

the lecturer openly, one student switches to siSwati in appealing to<br />

fellow students for support against writing the test sooner. The student<br />

uses siSwati so that the lecturer, not a siSwati speaker himself, would not<br />

underst<strong>and</strong> what the student is saying.<br />

Following the markedness approach, the switch from English to<br />

siSwati is clearly a marked choice intended to create distance between the<br />

lecturer <strong>and</strong> the students, for siSwati is the least expected medium of communication<br />

in a University lecture room, especially if the parties involved<br />

all do not share this language (siSwati). Note, however, that from the<br />

speaker’s perspective, CS to siSwati also qualifi es as an unmarked choice,

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