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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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20 Part 1: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Ideology<br />

indicated awareness that there were several dialects of English, each<br />

appropriate for a specifi c context, <strong>and</strong> that optimal grammar instruction<br />

<strong>and</strong> practice should be dialogic, positioning learners as skilled language<br />

users. Hence, importantly, the ideological content animating these activities,<br />

when considered holistically, showed some internal tensions <strong>and</strong><br />

contradictions. While the ‘prescriptive’ thrust was stronger, there was<br />

nonetheless an undercurrent that acknowledged the contextually <strong>and</strong> situationally<br />

bound nature of the choice of appropriate language forms <strong>and</strong><br />

student capabilities to recognize <strong>and</strong> display such knowledge.<br />

Another project highlighting ideological infl uences on demonstration<br />

of student knowledge about language is reported by Razfar (2005), who<br />

studied the repair practices observed in two classes serving English language<br />

learning (ELL) students in a Midwestern high school in the United<br />

States. This year-long case study combined participant observation, video<br />

recordings, teacher interviews <strong>and</strong> student surveys. In analysis of the<br />

video data, the researcher paid special attention to the evidence for language<br />

ideologies, or orientations toward authoritative language use,<br />

revealed by either the explicit articulations regarding language use or the<br />

language practices of teachers <strong>and</strong> students refl ecting their co-constructed<br />

judgments about the accuracy <strong>and</strong> correctness of one form versus another.<br />

Interestingly, the majority of repairs related to pronunciation. The nature<br />

of the exchanges showed that the teachers in general viewed themselves,<br />

<strong>and</strong> were viewed by the students, as arbiters of acceptable pronunciation<br />

in English. However, when words of non-English origin were encountered,<br />

a regular but not frequent event, teachers were receptive to public<br />

input from students who spoke the indicated language. In these classrooms,<br />

teachers were highly likely to repair public use of non-st<strong>and</strong>ard<br />

forms such as ain’t, <strong>and</strong> might do so in a mocking manner, evidence that<br />

they realized students were, in fact, well aware that this form was considered<br />

inappropriate but apparently believing that it should not go uncorrected.<br />

Analysis of peer-editing activities showed that students engaged<br />

in other correction (pointing out, e.g. that childrens was not a st<strong>and</strong>ard<br />

plural without giving a reason), also demonstrating an orientation to preference<br />

for a single st<strong>and</strong>ard form in language. Hence, both comments <strong>and</strong><br />

classroom processes, taken together, reinforced the notion that a unitary<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ard for English existed, that the teacher was legitimately positioned<br />

to monitor it <strong>and</strong> students were to follow that model, except in the rare<br />

cases where their own language capabilities might confer linguistic<br />

authority on them.<br />

A third related investigation was done in a settlement near Cape Town,<br />

South Africa, in an extremely diverse school community struggling to help<br />

students make progress in a fast-changing context where knowledge of<br />

English was becoming ever more vital to hopes of educational progress,<br />

although it was the mother tongue for a very small number (Blommaert<br />

et al., 2005). Researchers used a variety of ethnographic <strong>and</strong> qualitative

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