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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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158 Part 2: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Society<br />

Bangladesh exists due to LP-based war. The Partition of British India in<br />

1947 divided Hindu-majority India from Muslim-majority Pakistan, the<br />

latter comprising the non-contiguous West Pakistan <strong>and</strong> East Pakistan<br />

separated by vast territories of sovereign India. In 1948, Governor-General<br />

Mohammad Ali Jinnah made a language policy declaration that ‘Urdu, <strong>and</strong><br />

only Urdu’ would be the national language of all Pakistan. At the time,<br />

Urdu was mostly spoken by elites in West Pakistan while East Pakistan,<br />

although Muslim by religious affi liation, was a cultural extension of the<br />

Indian state of West Bengal, forming a broad ethno-linguistic unity. The<br />

declaration provoked protests from Bengali students, suppressed on 21<br />

February 1952 with many deaths. The tragedy is commemorated annually<br />

as <strong>Language</strong> Martyr’s Day (in 1999 UNESCO declared it International<br />

Mother <strong>Language</strong> Day) <strong>and</strong> a unique monument, the Shaheed Minar, was<br />

erected in Dhaka, capital of Bangladesh, to recognise the <strong>Language</strong><br />

Martyrs. Despite some amelioration to linguistic assimilation, resistance<br />

spread from elites to masses, culminating in the ferocious 1971 civil war,<br />

<strong>and</strong>, with Indian support, the emergence of independent Bangladesh.<br />

Urdu remains the offi cial language of Pakistan today while article 23 of<br />

the Constitution of Bangladesh makes Bangla the offi cial <strong>and</strong> national language<br />

<strong>and</strong> creates the Bangla Academy. The Constitution requires the state<br />

to ‘. . . adopt measures to conserve the cultural traditions <strong>and</strong> heritage of<br />

the people, <strong>and</strong> so to foster <strong>and</strong> improve the national language, literature<br />

<strong>and</strong> the arts . . .’. The Bangla Academy is designated within the national<br />

academy of arts <strong>and</strong> letters as a language cultivation agency (Mohsin,<br />

2003; Moniruzzaman, 1979) <strong>and</strong> is charged with continual elaboration of<br />

Bangla, its terminology, literature, <strong>and</strong> expressiveness, with general promotion<br />

<strong>and</strong> specifi cally with dissemination of new grammatical <strong>and</strong> phonological<br />

norms. The Bengali Academy Ordinance of 1978 guarantees<br />

autonomy, designates the President of the Republic as Patron-in-Chief<br />

<strong>and</strong> specifi es that funding is provided by the Ministry of Culture. An eminent<br />

educationist, appointed Academy president for two-year terms by<br />

the Patron-in-Chief, convenes an annual meeting but lacks executive<br />

responsibilities. Membership is open to distinguished persons or scholars<br />

of ‘prestigious scientifi c merit or literary accomplishments’, with the bulk<br />

of the membership, <strong>and</strong> its work, entrusted to linguistic experts.<br />

This example reveals that constitutions are critical language policy<br />

texts, the fundamental statements of national existence, but both the symbolic<br />

<strong>and</strong> practical messages require continual interpretation. Constitutions<br />

also make available the procedures for modifi cation. The constitution is<br />

therefore the most public <strong>and</strong> declared mode of LP, the ultimate public<br />

text, <strong>and</strong> involves laws, regulations, <strong>and</strong> formal operations of planning<br />

<strong>and</strong> implementation. Even when constitutions are clear <strong>and</strong> unambiguous,<br />

the circumstances in which they arose change, interpretations are<br />

needed, new or changed values <strong>and</strong> political arrangements emerge. The

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