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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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Conversation Analysis 501<br />

contribution. We can see this very clearly in an example such as the<br />

following:<br />

(6) Parky (Cited in Sacks et al., 1974)<br />

01 Tourist: Has the park cha:nged much,<br />

02 Parky: Oh:: ye:s,<br />

03 (1.0)<br />

04 Old man: Th’Funfair changed it’n [ahful lot [didn’it.<br />

05 Parky: → [Th- [That-<br />

06 Parky: → That changed it,<br />

In this example, at lines 05–06, Parky begins an incipient next turn at<br />

the fi rst point of possible completion in Old Man’s turn. Parky starts up<br />

here <strong>and</strong> again at the next point of possible completion not by virtue of<br />

any silence (by the time he starts there is no hearable silence) but by virtue<br />

of the projected possible completion of the TCU, which constitutes a<br />

potential transition relevance place. Evidence such as this leads to the conclusion<br />

that ‘transfer of speakership is coordinated by reference to such<br />

transition relevance places’ (Sacks et al., 1974: 703).<br />

Returning to the fragment from the conversation between Deb <strong>and</strong><br />

Dick, notice that the transitions between speakers are managed in such a<br />

way as to minimize both gap <strong>and</strong> overlap. We now have a partial account<br />

of how participants are able to achieve this. Co-participants monitor the<br />

syntactic, prosodic <strong>and</strong> broadly speaking pragmatic features of the current<br />

turn to fi nd that it is about to begin, now beginning, continuing, now<br />

coming to completion – they anticipate, that is, points at which it is possibly<br />

complete. A point of possible unit completion is a place for possible<br />

speaker transition – what Sacks et al. (1974) defi ne as a ‘transition relevance<br />

place’. There is of course much more that could relevantly be said<br />

about this fragment along these lines but since this is merely meant to<br />

introduce different ‘organizations of practice’ that go into a single fragment<br />

we now move on to consider the organization of talk into sequences.<br />

Before we are done I will return to consider issues of turn-taking briefl y.<br />

It is obvious enough that in conversation, actions often come in pairs<br />

<strong>and</strong> that a fi rst action such as a complaint, a request or an invitation makes<br />

relevant a next, responsive action (or a delimited range of actions). If that<br />

action is not produced, it can be found, by the participants, to be missing<br />

where any number of things did not happen but are nevertheless not missing<br />

in the same sense. Schegloff (1968) described this relationship between<br />

a fi rst <strong>and</strong> second action as one of ‘conditional relevance’ <strong>and</strong> the unit<br />

itself as an ‘adjacency pair’ (see Schegloff & Sacks, 1973).<br />

What kind of organization is the adjacency pair? It is not a statistical<br />

probability <strong>and</strong> clearly not a categorical imperative. Rather, the organization<br />

described is a norm to which conversationalists hold one another

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