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Sociolinguistics and Language Education.pdf

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100 Part 2: <strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> Society<br />

<strong>and</strong> school experiences), tended to see the ELs as linguistically <strong>and</strong><br />

cognitively defi cient. In this way, the social <strong>and</strong> educational context often<br />

positions English learners in particular ways, frequently as defi cient<br />

learners.<br />

Duff’s (2002) study is helpful in examining the manner in which peer<br />

dynamics is infl uential in matters of identity. Duff’s study focuses on language<br />

use <strong>and</strong> socialization in a Canadian Social Studies class composed of<br />

Canadian students of various ethnic backgrounds <strong>and</strong> immigrant English as<br />

a Second <strong>Language</strong> speakers, many of whom were M<strong>and</strong>arin <strong>and</strong> Cantonese<br />

speakers. Class discussions were quite common, as were topics dealing with<br />

Chinese culture. In examining several class discussion excerpts, Duff found<br />

that the contributions of ELs tended to be ‘short, muted, tentative, <strong>and</strong><br />

inaccessible to others. As a result, they forfeited – or resisted – opportunities<br />

to convey aspects of themselves, their knowledge, interests, <strong>and</strong> opinions<br />

to others, or to make the personal connections for others’ (Duff, 2002: 305).<br />

When asked in an interview context about their participation, nonlocal students<br />

said that they were afraid of being laughed at or criticized by their<br />

peers for their comments. This presented them with a signifi cant dilemma.<br />

Silence protected them from humiliation. However, interactional<br />

withdrawal attracted disdain from local students (who confi rmed<br />

this), for whom silence represented a lack of initiative, agency, or<br />

desire to improve one’s English or to offer interesting material for the<br />

sake of the class. The NNES students were therefore caught between<br />

what appeared to be two unfavorable options: silence or mockery <strong>and</strong><br />

hostility. (Duff, 2002: 312)<br />

Gee (2004) argues that teaching <strong>and</strong> learning English language <strong>and</strong> literacy<br />

is not just about teaching <strong>and</strong> learning English but also about teaching<br />

<strong>and</strong> learning specifi c social languages. He maintains that what students<br />

need to get right is not just the language but what he calls Discourse,<br />

that is, ‘multiple ways of acting-interacting-speaking-writing-listening-<br />

reading-thinking-believing-valuing-feeling with others at the “right”<br />

times <strong>and</strong> in the “right” places so as to be recognized as enacting an<br />

“appropriate socially-situated identity”’ (Gee, 2004: 25). Although there is<br />

little doubt that the nonlocal students referred to in Duff’s (2002) study<br />

needed to adopt the ‘right’ way of acting in order to be accepted members<br />

of the social studies class, the question is whether or not the nonlocal students<br />

had the desire or language ability to do this. As Duff (2002) points<br />

out, what is clearly needed is more investigation of<br />

the extent to which students actually want to display their identities <strong>and</strong><br />

personal knowledge in class or to conform to the dominant, normative<br />

local sociolinguistic behaviors – that is, whether they consider those<br />

behaviors <strong>and</strong> disclosures as signs of competence or incompetence, of

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