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The phenomenon of child pornography
rope. 343 What is striking is the absence of black children in child abuse material. The precise reason for
this is unclear. It has emerged from interviews with perpetrators that many collectors have a preference
for slim white children, whereby the genitals are clearly visible and secondary sexual characteristics have
not yet developed. 344
<strong>Child</strong> sex tourism
As already described in 1.4.2, many perpetrators of the production of child abuse material are
known to their victims, in view of the fact that a large proportion of material is produced within
the domestic circle. 345 However, images are increasingly cropping up that were made on location
by child sex tourists. 346 <strong>Child</strong> sex tourism is the sexual abuse of minors by tourists 347 and encompasses
three scenarios of abuse: (1) child prostitution; (2) non-prostitution-related paedosexual
abuse and (3) the production of child abuse material. 348 The latter forms a frequently occurring
element within the context of child sex tourism. 349 In a study conducted by ECPAT International,
practically all respondents (minors working in the child sex tourism industry in Nepal and the Czech
Republic) stated that they had been photographed naked at some point by one or more tourists
or had been asked by one or more tourists to pose naked for them for the purpose of producing
abusive material. 350
Parents as victims
An element that often continues to be neglected in the literature on victimisation as a result of sexual
abuse or child pornography is the (indirect) victimisation of the parents of child victims. 351 For example,
family members may find themselves struggling with various psychological conditions, including
depression, feelings of guilt, shame and symptoms of grief. 352 If the victims are very young, it is often
expected that the traumatic impact upon the parents is greater than upon the child him/herself. 353 If a
case concerns abuse that took place within the family, additional situational factors or ‘stressors’ come
into play alongside the aforementioned traumatic effects, which exacerbate the trauma suffered by the
non-offending parent(s). One example of this is the loss of a partner or family member (the abuser). 354
Furthermore, non-offending mothers or mother-figures in particular have to contend with criticism;
they are regarded as passive and indifferent and they are frequently blamed for having allowed the abuse
to take place. 355
343 Taylor & Quayle, 2003, p.42.
344 Taylor & Quayle, 2003, p.41.
345 Van der Zee & Groeneveld, 2007, p.229.
346 Van der Zee & Groeneveld, 2007, p.229.
347 ECPAT Netherlands, 2002.
348 ECPAT International, 2010.
349 Muir, 2005, p.34.
350 Muir, 2005, p.34.
351 See also 3.7.5 regarding the impact upon and support provided to parents of victims in the sexual abuse
cases of ‘Benno L.’ and ‘Robert M.’ (the Amsterdam sexual abuse case).
352 Tavkar, 2010, p.6.
353 Tavkar, 2010, p.17.
354 Tavkar, 2010, p.6.
355 Tavkar, 2010, pp.11-12.
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