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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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leadership, teach<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>and</strong> legacy as an almost fixed body of coherent thought,<br />

seem<strong>in</strong>gly without contradiction. Yet outside the strictures of national memory <strong>and</strong><br />

the control of family memorial, K<strong>in</strong>g’s life <strong>and</strong> ideas have been a terra<strong>in</strong> of biographic<br />

contestation <strong>in</strong> the political doma<strong>in</strong>. <strong>The</strong> most systematic exam<strong>in</strong>ation of political<br />

disputes over the mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> narration of K<strong>in</strong>g’s life is Michael Eric Dyson’s attempt<br />

to reclaim his legacy from the grip of liberalism <strong>and</strong> conservative political thought. For<br />

Dyson, both K<strong>in</strong>g’s admirers <strong>and</strong> foes had “frozen him with<strong>in</strong> the lim<strong>in</strong>al realm of his<br />

1963 ‘I Have a Dream’ speech”. 110<br />

Dyson takes issue with the ‘feel good’ K<strong>in</strong>g of liberal thought, <strong>in</strong> which K<strong>in</strong>g’s life <strong>and</strong><br />

mean<strong>in</strong>g had been twisted “<strong>in</strong>to a soft, sweet palatable fruit with no real substance”,<br />

<strong>and</strong> his legacy “pillaged by ideological grave robbers. Dyson also notes that<br />

conservative writers <strong>and</strong> right w<strong>in</strong>g political circles had been able to quote from K<strong>in</strong>g’s<br />

speeches <strong>in</strong> order to challenge affirmative action or arguments for economic<br />

reparations. In the doma<strong>in</strong> of national memory, Americans had grown up “learn<strong>in</strong>g<br />

only about the great pacifist not the hard‐nosed critic of economic justice”. In political<br />

terms, K<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> Malcolm X had been set up as occupy<strong>in</strong>g opposed ethical universes,<br />

of non‐violent <strong>in</strong>tegrationism <strong>and</strong> threaten<strong>in</strong>g separatism, respectively. Indeed, K<strong>in</strong>g’s<br />

“cultural visibility” had to do with perceptions of “the style, content, <strong>and</strong> aims of his<br />

leadership”, which “for most of his life were easily translatable <strong>and</strong> largely attractive<br />

to white America”. Malcolm X, on the other h<strong>and</strong> was not as “easily translatable”, <strong>and</strong><br />

while he “appealed especially to work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> poor blacks”, he also “<strong>in</strong>vited derision,<br />

caricature <strong>and</strong> dismissal”. In contrast to these perspectives, Dyson has resurrected the<br />

‘true K<strong>in</strong>g’ as “a prophet, a servant, <strong>and</strong> a martyr – a revolutionary witness for the<br />

poor people of America <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>deed the world”. For Dyson, the legacy of K<strong>in</strong>g should<br />

not be seen as at odds with the legacy of Malcolm X. 111<br />

2002); ‘K<strong>in</strong>g Centre <strong>and</strong> the Smithsonian Partner <strong>in</strong> Historic Exhibition Dedicated to Dr Mart<strong>in</strong> Luther<br />

K<strong>in</strong>g, Jr’ (<strong>The</strong> K<strong>in</strong>g Centre Press Statement, 10/1/02).<br />

110 Michael Eric Dyson, I May Not Get <strong>The</strong>re With You: <strong>The</strong> True Mart<strong>in</strong> Luther K<strong>in</strong>g, Jr (New York:<br />

Touchstone, 2001; first published <strong>in</strong> 2000).<br />

111 Samuel G Freedman, cited <strong>in</strong> Michael Eric Dyson, I May Not Get <strong>The</strong>re With You; Dwight N<br />

Hopk<strong>in</strong>s, ‘I May Not Get <strong>The</strong>re With You: a Book Review’, <strong>Africa</strong>n American Review, Spr<strong>in</strong>g 2002;<br />

91

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