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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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family had been collected <strong>and</strong> when his testimony could be compared to other historical<br />

source material. Much like Matsetela’s life history of Emelia Pooe, the account which<br />

Nkadimeng <strong>and</strong> Relly presented showed how Ma<strong>in</strong>e managed to avoid wage labour for<br />

almost four decades after 1913, <strong>and</strong> evade “those forces which would have captured him<br />

as a farm labourer or relegated him to a location”. In addition to reflect<strong>in</strong>g the high<br />

mobility of sharecroppers who regularly ‘jumped the fence’, Ma<strong>in</strong>e’s life story revealed<br />

how the persistence of sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g was connected to the technological backwardness<br />

of white farm<strong>in</strong>g. 130<br />

<strong>The</strong> story of Kas Ma<strong>in</strong>e also provided “a sense of the detail <strong>and</strong> complexity of human<br />

consciousness underly<strong>in</strong>g the major events <strong>and</strong> changes <strong>in</strong> the rural Transvaal dur<strong>in</strong>g<br />

this century”. As Ma<strong>in</strong>e declared <strong>in</strong> an <strong>in</strong>terview conducted <strong>in</strong> 1980: “Die saad is myne,<br />

die skare is myne ... die span is myne. Alles is myne, die grond is syne”. 131 Accord<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

Bozzoli, localised rural studies of ord<strong>in</strong>ary lives such as this provided “nuance <strong>and</strong><br />

variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation” <strong>and</strong> enabled “unwarranted genralisations about whole<br />

classes of people” to be kept <strong>in</strong> check. Ma<strong>in</strong>e’s life story made “concrete” what would<br />

have been a “hypothetical analysis of the class character of sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g” <strong>and</strong> lent<br />

<strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong>to “the real ... nature of class relations <strong>and</strong> class struggles”. 132<br />

Notwithst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g such claims about the value of oral testimony for its apparent access to<br />

the ‘real’ <strong>and</strong> ‘concrete’ world of experience, the importance of Emelia Pooe <strong>and</strong> Kas<br />

Ma<strong>in</strong>e’s life stories for social history was that they were seen to reflect a general social<br />

pattern, that “sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g was the dom<strong>in</strong>ant relationship of production <strong>in</strong> most of the<br />

arable districts of the white settled highveld”. <strong>The</strong> juxtaposition of Tim Keegan’s<br />

analytical study of this process alongside both the biographic studies by Matsetela, <strong>and</strong><br />

Nkadimeng <strong>and</strong> Relly served to turn the life stories of Pooe <strong>and</strong> Ma<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong>to illustrative<br />

vignettes of a social process expla<strong>in</strong>ed by Keegan as ongo<strong>in</strong>g resistance aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />

proletarianisation. <strong>The</strong> resilience of <strong>Africa</strong>n sharecroppers <strong>in</strong> mobilis<strong>in</strong>g family labour<br />

130 Malete Nkadimeng <strong>and</strong> Georg<strong>in</strong>a Relly, ‘Kas Ma<strong>in</strong>e’, pp 89‐91, 99.<br />

131 Malete Nkadimeng <strong>and</strong> Georg<strong>in</strong>a Relly, ‘Kas Ma<strong>in</strong>e’, pp 89‐91.<br />

132 Bel<strong>in</strong>da Bozzoli, ‘Introduction: <strong>History</strong> Experience <strong>and</strong> Culture’, pp 14‐15.<br />

157

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