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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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<strong>and</strong> ‘jump<strong>in</strong>g the fence’ led to the persistence of sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g. For Keegan, this<br />

constituted rural class struggle, which both underm<strong>in</strong>ed the 1913 Natives’ L<strong>and</strong> Act <strong>and</strong><br />

shaped the nature of capital accumulation <strong>in</strong> the countryside. 133<br />

<strong>The</strong>se same explanatory <strong>and</strong> contextualis<strong>in</strong>g purposes of Keegan’s article were carried<br />

through <strong>in</strong> his book on black lives <strong>in</strong> rural <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>. 134 This book conta<strong>in</strong>ed four life<br />

stories of rural experiences of black <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>ns on the Highveld <strong>in</strong> the twentieth<br />

century. <strong>The</strong>se were written <strong>in</strong> the third person by Keegan <strong>and</strong> were drawn from oral<br />

testimonies collected as part of the work of the ODP at Wits. In the book, the life<br />

histories were ‘set <strong>in</strong> context’ by explanatory articles on rural transitions <strong>in</strong> the highveld<br />

<strong>and</strong> the value of oral testimony. 135 Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Keegan, the “range of <strong>in</strong>formation” <strong>and</strong><br />

the “richness <strong>and</strong> variety” of experiences presented <strong>in</strong> the life stories constituted an<br />

“oral record perta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g to social <strong>and</strong> economic life”. Treated by Keegan as a form of<br />

evidence, he argued that these rem<strong>in</strong>iscences of “obscure people” were able to reshape<br />

our underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g of major forces of social change “when set <strong>in</strong> the larger historical<br />

context”. 136<br />

While each <strong>in</strong>dividual life story could be considered to be unique, the purpose of the<br />

historian, however, was to look for patterns, “not rem<strong>in</strong>iscences for their own<br />

sake”. 137 Keegan argued that<br />

each <strong>in</strong>dividual’s life embodies someth<strong>in</strong>g of the common<br />

experience of a larger social group; each <strong>in</strong>dividual life reveals<br />

aspects of the experience of a class, of a racial or ethnic group,<br />

of a community, of a geographical region, of a particular k<strong>in</strong>d<br />

of economic enterprise. 138<br />

133 Tim Keegan, ‘<strong>The</strong> Sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g Economy, <strong>Africa</strong>n Class Formation <strong>and</strong> the 1913 Natives’ L<strong>and</strong><br />

Act <strong>in</strong> the Highveld Maize Belt’, <strong>in</strong> Shula Marks <strong>and</strong> Richard Rathbone (eds), Industrialisation <strong>and</strong><br />

Social Change <strong>in</strong> <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>, pp 196‐7, 204‐208.<br />

134 Tim Keegan, Fac<strong>in</strong>g the Storm.<br />

135 <strong>The</strong> titles of Keegan’s articles conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> Part Two of Fac<strong>in</strong>g the Storm are ‘Social<br />

Transformations on the Highveld’ <strong>and</strong> ‘Oral testimony <strong>in</strong> the Recovery of Peopleʹs history’.<br />

136 Tim Keegan, Fac<strong>in</strong>g the Storm, p 131.<br />

137 Tim Keegan, Fac<strong>in</strong>g the Storm, p 160.<br />

138 Tim Keegan, Fac<strong>in</strong>g the Storm, p 159.<br />

158

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