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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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middle section had vacillated. Another “more established affluent <strong>and</strong> reactionary”<br />

section urged workers not to go on strike, result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> workers regard<strong>in</strong>g an <strong>in</strong>dividual<br />

from this group as the “Enemy of the People”. 117<br />

Draw<strong>in</strong>g on Shula Marks’ concepts of the mask <strong>and</strong> moral ambiguity as a po<strong>in</strong>t of<br />

departure, Paul la Hausse studied the career of the “petty crim<strong>in</strong>al, failed populist <strong>and</strong><br />

confidence trickster”, Elias Kuzwayo through the notion of the “picaresque”. <strong>The</strong> picaro,<br />

who supposedly <strong>in</strong>habited <strong>and</strong> traversed boundaries between worlds, was a<br />

“confidence man” who lived “by his wits”. 118 Seen <strong>in</strong> this way, Kuzwayo’s fragmented<br />

career as trade union activist, teacher, agricultural demonstrator, co‐operative society<br />

spokesman, <strong>in</strong>dependent churchman <strong>and</strong> medical practitioner, labour agent <strong>and</strong> petty<br />

capitalist was a case study of contradiction <strong>and</strong> ambiguity as experienced by the<br />

fractured <strong>Africa</strong>n middle class of Natal. It is this section of the black middle class which<br />

had presented major obstacles to coherent black political mobilisation.<br />

Inside a s<strong>in</strong>gle life of brokerage, role‐play<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> manipulation, Kuzwayo seemed to<br />

comb<strong>in</strong>e the worlds of the ‘New <strong>Africa</strong>n’, the conservative izemtiti, “who had embraced<br />

the new world of the coloniser”, <strong>and</strong> that of the opportunistic collaborator. In addition<br />

to be<strong>in</strong>g a repository of social contradiction, Kuzwayo also occupied a space shared by<br />

the <strong>Africa</strong>n elite. His life, for La Hausse, held up “a mirror to his times <strong>and</strong> to the<br />

aspirations of members of Natal’s fractured middle class”. Rather than simply<br />

dismiss<strong>in</strong>g them as ‘sell‐outs’ <strong>and</strong> ‘opportunists’, La Hausse tried to underst<strong>and</strong> the<br />

composition <strong>and</strong> dynamics of this group, their self‐<strong>in</strong>terest <strong>and</strong> long<strong>in</strong>gs for self‐<br />

advancement, as well as “the cultural worlds these <strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>in</strong>habited, fashioned <strong>and</strong><br />

moved between”. 119 However, La Hausse showed his discomfort at the potential<br />

<strong>in</strong>stability of a contradictory identity category, suggest<strong>in</strong>g that to be analytically useful,<br />

117Philip Bonner, ‘<strong>The</strong> Transvaal Native Congress 1917‐11920: <strong>The</strong> Radicalisation of the Black Petty<br />

Bourgeoisie on the R<strong>and</strong>’, <strong>in</strong> Shula Marks <strong>and</strong> Richard Rathbone (eds), Industrialisation <strong>and</strong> Social<br />

Change <strong>in</strong> <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>, pp 289, 296.<br />

118Paul la Hausse, ‘So Who Was Elias Kuzwayo? Nationalism, Collaboration <strong>and</strong> the Picaresque <strong>in</strong><br />

Natal’, <strong>in</strong> Philip Bonner et al, Apartheid’s Genesis, pp 195‐200.<br />

119Paul la Hausse, ‘So Who Was Elias Kuzwayo?’, pp 195, 201, 219‐220.<br />

152

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