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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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told <strong>in</strong> the book. <strong>The</strong> lives of these faces with voices were not taken to be histories, but, as<br />

with other studies, were treated as prior to history ‐ sketches or portraits through which to<br />

illustrate economic, social <strong>and</strong> political processes which were regarded as ‘historical’. Each<br />

life, <strong>in</strong> their category of recovery, was made to fit st<strong>and</strong>ard themes of <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>n social<br />

history, as they had crystallised on the <strong>in</strong>dustrialis<strong>in</strong>g R<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> the 1940s. Biography<br />

became a means to narrate lives as <strong>in</strong>dividual allegories of collective experience <strong>and</strong> social<br />

history. <strong>The</strong>se were connected to a historical narrative of national resistance, organised<br />

political bodies <strong>and</strong> national leaders, who drew on the “culture of resistance” of “ord<strong>in</strong>ary<br />

people”. 176<br />

‘<strong>History</strong> from below’ brought together culturalist constructions of experience, class <strong>and</strong><br />

consciousness <strong>and</strong> nationalist teleologies of the people <strong>and</strong> the struggle, to generate a<br />

gr<strong>and</strong> narrative of resistance <strong>and</strong> the nation. Indeed, <strong>in</strong>tonations of a newfound<br />

concentration on the deeds <strong>and</strong> qualities of political leaders by lead<strong>in</strong>g social historians 177<br />

were an extension of this narrative. It may well be that the seem<strong>in</strong>gly contradictory<br />

impulses of histories ‘from below’ <strong>and</strong> histories of leadership were <strong>in</strong>deed compatible.<br />

This compatibility was to be found <strong>in</strong> the notion of ‘hidden history’ <strong>and</strong> the conception of<br />

pasts subord<strong>in</strong>ated by oppression <strong>and</strong> exclusion from the historical record <strong>and</strong> which<br />

were deemed to be <strong>in</strong> need of recuperation. It also lay <strong>in</strong> the categories <strong>and</strong> subject<br />

positions ‐ <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>and</strong> collective ‐ constructed by historical models framed <strong>in</strong> terms of<br />

a ‘dom<strong>in</strong>ation versus resistance’ dichotomy. <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>n resistance histories came to be<br />

peopled with “coherent <strong>and</strong> confrontational subjects”, who had stability bestowed upon<br />

them by the firm boundaries constructed around them. 178<br />

<strong>The</strong> compatibility of these different histories of resistance also emerged through the<br />

dom<strong>in</strong>ant realist mode <strong>in</strong> which they were written <strong>and</strong> assembled. Different genres of<br />

176 Luli Call<strong>in</strong>icos, A Place <strong>in</strong> the City, pp 58‐72.<br />

177 See the work of Call<strong>in</strong>icos, Lodge <strong>and</strong> Be<strong>in</strong>art referred to at the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of this chapter.<br />

178 Jenny Rob<strong>in</strong>son, ‘(Dis)locat<strong>in</strong>g Historical Narrative: Writ<strong>in</strong>g, Space <strong>and</strong> Gender <strong>in</strong> <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>n<br />

Social <strong>History</strong>’, <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>n Historical Journal, No 30 (May 1994), pp 149‐150. Rob<strong>in</strong>son <strong>in</strong>cluded<br />

La Hausse’s ambivalent category of the ‘picaro’ <strong>in</strong> her set of criticisms of subject construction by<br />

social historians.<br />

169

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