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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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academic <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> the production, dissem<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>and</strong> popularisation of<br />

<strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>n social history were the <strong>History</strong> Workshop <strong>and</strong> the Oral Documentation<br />

Project of the <strong>Africa</strong>n Studies Institute (later known as the Institute for Advanced Social<br />

Research <strong>and</strong> then the Wits Institute for Social <strong>and</strong> Economic Research), both at the<br />

University of the Witwatersr<strong>and</strong>. In the 1980s <strong>and</strong> 1990s, this work ranged from portraits<br />

of black lives on the Highveld, to the ‘moral economies’ of urban m<strong>in</strong>eworkers <strong>and</strong><br />

squatter proletarians; from the local traditions of resistance amongst rural workers to<br />

migrant organisations, crim<strong>in</strong>ality <strong>and</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g class life under urban apartheid. 87<br />

<strong>The</strong> conception of resistance <strong>and</strong> politics <strong>in</strong> the work of social historians was wider than<br />

that which had occupied the m<strong>in</strong>ds of <strong>in</strong>stitutional historians <strong>and</strong> their concern for<br />

political organisations. Social history focussed on the actions of ‘ord<strong>in</strong>ary people’ <strong>in</strong> a<br />

“grassroots” or cultural approach to resistance. Resistance was seen as embedded <strong>in</strong><br />

culture <strong>and</strong> was occasioned by a proletarianis<strong>in</strong>g thrust <strong>in</strong> agriculture, threats to liv<strong>in</strong>g<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>and</strong> schemes of removals. Actions that sought to avoid detrimental changes <strong>in</strong><br />

class <strong>and</strong> economic status, <strong>and</strong> to reta<strong>in</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g social <strong>and</strong> cultural networks <strong>in</strong> the face<br />

of “the proletarianis<strong>in</strong>g tendencies of capitalism”, were seen as <strong>in</strong>stances of resistance.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se were <strong>in</strong>dividualised, ‘everyday’ forms of resistance, such as the retention of access<br />

to beer brew<strong>in</strong>g by women <strong>and</strong> “jump<strong>in</strong>g the fence” by sharecroppers. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividualised acts were <strong>in</strong>stances of “resilience as resistance”. However, they were<br />

thought of as hav<strong>in</strong>g social consequences on a significant scale. 88<br />

In <strong>in</strong>formal shack settlements on the outskirts of Durban, where illegal economic<br />

activities flourished, workers shaped cultural alternatives to control <strong>and</strong> coercion<br />

through shebeens <strong>and</strong> other <strong>in</strong>come‐generat<strong>in</strong>g activities. In places like Mkhumbane,<br />

shack <strong>in</strong>habitants formed stokvels <strong>and</strong> co‐operatives <strong>in</strong> what was a defensive culture,<br />

characterised by self‐reliance. It was this movement that became “the organisational<br />

backbone through which workers could express their views on Durbanʹs society”. In<br />

87 See the discussion by Gary M<strong>in</strong>kley <strong>and</strong> Ciraj Rassool, ‘Orality, Memory <strong>and</strong> Social <strong>History</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>’.<br />

88 Bel<strong>in</strong>da Bozzoli, ‘Introduction: <strong>History</strong>, Experience <strong>and</strong> Culture’, pp 28‐31.<br />

142

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