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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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formed to draw <strong>in</strong> ‘workers <strong>and</strong> peasants’. <strong>The</strong>se organisational forms emerged under<br />

Tabata’s <strong>in</strong>fluence, <strong>and</strong> it was Tabata who was projected as the lead<strong>in</strong>g th<strong>in</strong>ker <strong>and</strong><br />

orator of the movement, a leader forced <strong>in</strong>to exile under threat of repression, after<br />

hav<strong>in</strong>g survived a five‐year ban. He was a “brilliant political analyst”, as shown by his<br />

writ<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>and</strong> speeches, <strong>and</strong> he was also an “outst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g organiser <strong>and</strong> orator”, who<br />

was able “to convey to all sections of the population, workers <strong>and</strong> peasants”, the<br />

“complex nature” of the struggle <strong>in</strong> <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> <strong>and</strong> “the solution to the political<br />

problems fac<strong>in</strong>g the people <strong>in</strong> clear, unambiguous terms”. 35<br />

A key moment <strong>in</strong> this fairly settled narrative was Tabata’s arrest at Mount Ayliff <strong>in</strong><br />

1948. His acquittal “galvanised the spirit of resistance among the peasantry”, <strong>and</strong> this<br />

“spread throughout the rural areas <strong>and</strong> cont<strong>in</strong>ued <strong>in</strong>to the 1960s”. It was because of<br />

their “revolutionary” politics that Tabata <strong>and</strong> his comrades were “thwarted” <strong>in</strong> their<br />

efforts to secure recognition <strong>and</strong> support from the OAU. Nevertheless, <strong>in</strong> this<br />

narrative, Tabata’s life did not culm<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>in</strong> failure. M<strong>in</strong>dful of the “cont<strong>in</strong>uity of the<br />

struggle”, <strong>and</strong> concerned about “leav<strong>in</strong>g beh<strong>in</strong>d a worthy heritage for the young”,<br />

Tabata was “very <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> the youth <strong>and</strong> devoted a great deal of energy <strong>and</strong> to<br />

tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g them”. 36 <strong>The</strong> culm<strong>in</strong>ation of this biographic narrative of political consistency<br />

was Tabata’s life <strong>and</strong> work turned <strong>in</strong>to a realm of memory, through the cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g<br />

sale of his writ<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> the creation of the Tabata archival collection. This was the<br />

f<strong>in</strong>al stage of biographic work <strong>in</strong> the ongo<strong>in</strong>g mould<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> reproduction of Tabata’s<br />

life history.<br />

But Tabata did not always have a <strong>biography</strong>. His refusal to narrate his life <strong>and</strong><br />

distribute his own image reared its head at an early stage <strong>in</strong> the history of the Unity<br />

Movement. This biographic disavowal was expressed <strong>in</strong> 1946 <strong>in</strong> a remarkable set of<br />

epistolary exchanges. <strong>The</strong>se communications raised a number of issues that are<br />

35 Norman Traub, ‘I.B. Tabata’ (Obituary), <strong>The</strong> Independent, 3 November 1990. See also Unity Movement<br />

of <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> (UMSA), ‘I.B. Tabata’, Memorial Pamphlet, Issued by the Unity Movement of <strong>South</strong><br />

<strong>Africa</strong>, Eikefonte<strong>in</strong>, October 1990.<br />

36 Norman Traub, ‘I.B. Tabata’ (Obituary), <strong>The</strong> Independent, 3 November 1990.<br />

336

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