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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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us as enemies for the reason that we have had to expose<br />

their mach<strong>in</strong>ations <strong>in</strong> order to keep the movements free from<br />

their <strong>in</strong>imical <strong>and</strong> dangerous <strong>in</strong>fluences. 175<br />

Faced with the charge that they were not known by the world, Tabata <strong>and</strong> his colleagues<br />

presented a document about their organisations <strong>and</strong> their plans <strong>in</strong> order to supplement<br />

their orig<strong>in</strong>al statement with which the NEUM’s application for recognition had been<br />

made. To this they appended a list of the federal body with affiliates, names of officials<br />

<strong>and</strong> their regions <strong>in</strong> <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> <strong>in</strong> order to give a sense of a national presence. But the<br />

key characteristic of this response was the adoption of <strong>biography</strong> as the prime method of<br />

assert<strong>in</strong>g a real existence <strong>in</strong> the struggle aga<strong>in</strong>st apartheid. And the biographic format<br />

that was chosen was the <strong>biography</strong> of victimisation <strong>and</strong> persecution. A cryptic list of<br />

repression experiences of NEUM officials was composed as proof of its existence. <strong>The</strong><br />

experiences of Honono, Canca, Hassim, Mqotsi, Limbada, Tsotsi <strong>and</strong> Jane Gool of house<br />

arrest, imprisonment without trial, ‘pegg<strong>in</strong>g’, reluctant, enforced asylum, <strong>and</strong> bann<strong>in</strong>g<br />

were catalogued. <strong>The</strong> <strong>biography</strong> of persecution of I.B. Tabata, the president of the<br />

NEUM affiliate, APDUSA, was accorded special attention. It was he who “was the first<br />

to be imprisoned by the Verwoerd government” <strong>in</strong> 1948, who served a five‐year ban,<br />

<strong>and</strong> who “narrowly escaped arrest under the 90‐Day Detention Act”. “All these<br />

<strong>in</strong>cidents of arrests <strong>and</strong> banishments” had been “deliberately suppressed” because “our<br />

group of organisations [was] regarded as the direst enemy”. 176<br />

In the next few years, follow<strong>in</strong>g on from its response to the OAU rejection, the<br />

<strong>biography</strong> of victimisation <strong>and</strong> persecution represented one of the ma<strong>in</strong> modes through<br />

which the Unity Movement depicted itself, its structures <strong>and</strong> cadres. In December 1964,<br />

the Lusaka office of the AAC <strong>and</strong> the Unity Movement composed a much more<br />

extensive list of “<strong>in</strong>stances of the victimisation of our people” that “did not hit the<br />

headl<strong>in</strong>es of the outside world”. <strong>The</strong> five‐page list presented accounts of the experiences<br />

175 ‘Statement by the AAC <strong>and</strong> NEUM justify<strong>in</strong>g their rights to the funds voted by the Liberation<br />

Committee of N<strong>in</strong>e’, December 1963, I.B. Tabata Collection, BC 925.<br />

176 ‘Statement by the AAC <strong>and</strong> NEUM justify<strong>in</strong>g their rights to the funds voted by the Liberation<br />

Committee of N<strong>in</strong>e’, December 1963, I.B. Tabata Collection, BC 925.<br />

386

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