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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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issue of armed struggle directly, Alex<strong>and</strong>er took the opportunity to ask whether a<br />

“change of policy” on the Unity Movement’s part should not be considered, especially <strong>in</strong><br />

the light of the “peasant revolt” <strong>in</strong> the Transkei. Tabata himself failed to raise the matter<br />

of guerrilla warfare. And before Alex<strong>and</strong>er had a chance to elaborate, Jane Gool took<br />

him to task for dar<strong>in</strong>g to question policy. In “browbeat[<strong>in</strong>g]” Alex<strong>and</strong>er, Gool had used<br />

her position <strong>in</strong> the movement of be<strong>in</strong>g “an elder person”, when it had become part of<br />

the movement’s “decorum” not to question elders <strong>in</strong> formal meet<strong>in</strong>gs. 85<br />

Feel<strong>in</strong>g that he had been “gagged”, even “trapped”, Alex<strong>and</strong>er resolved not to attend<br />

any further meet<strong>in</strong>gs of the ‘<strong>in</strong>ner circle’. It was this retreat on his part, Alex<strong>and</strong>er<br />

thought, that had “alienated” Tabata from him. Tabata had realised that Alex<strong>and</strong>er had<br />

“slipped from under his control”, <strong>and</strong> that the leadership was not “able to control” him.<br />

Independently, Alex<strong>and</strong>er had come under the <strong>in</strong>fluence of debates <strong>in</strong> the FI about<br />

guerrilla warfare, <strong>and</strong> had been persuaded by Michel Pablo’s argument that “the centre<br />

of gravity of world revolution” had “shifted to the colonies”. Alex<strong>and</strong>er had become<br />

conv<strong>in</strong>ced, especially after Sharpeville, that guerrilla warfare was necessary to<br />

overthrow the apartheid state. It rankled that Alex<strong>and</strong>er had made <strong>in</strong>dependent contact<br />

with the FI. In Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s read<strong>in</strong>g, Tabata worried that people might identify him<br />

(Alex<strong>and</strong>er) with hav<strong>in</strong>g advocated a switch to armed struggle, <strong>and</strong> about the power<br />

that this may have brought him. Tabata made a po<strong>in</strong>t of attend<strong>in</strong>g SOYA meet<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>and</strong><br />

attacked Alex<strong>and</strong>er whenever he “raised any question”, say<strong>in</strong>g that “Neville knows<br />

where he should come if he has problems”. By that time, Alex<strong>and</strong>er had become hostile<br />

<strong>in</strong> the face of the reluctance of Tabata <strong>and</strong> the Unity Movement leadership to discuss<br />

“issues of practical revolution”. 86<br />

85 Ciraj Rassool, Interviews with Neville Alex<strong>and</strong>er, 8 & 28 December 1992.<br />

86 Ciraj Rassool, Interviews with Neville Alex<strong>and</strong>er, 8 & 28 December 1992. Tensions had already<br />

emerged while Alex<strong>and</strong>er was still away when Tabata <strong>and</strong> the leadership compelled the formal<br />

affiliation of the CPSU to the AAC. <strong>The</strong> CPSU had been formed as “deliberately non‐aligned”, as a<br />

strategy of w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g young people over to an AAC position. Of course the weight that Alex<strong>and</strong>er gave to<br />

this ‘break’ with Tabata <strong>in</strong> the narration of his auto/biographic trajectory is itself <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g. It may be a<br />

case of a narrative of leadership formation that required an Oedipal break with the father figure.<br />

466

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