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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>and</strong> family experiences revealed evidence of large‐scale processes of<br />

social change, resistance to capitalist encroachment <strong>and</strong> the emergence of<br />

“<strong>in</strong>termediary” economic forms. <strong>The</strong> oral testimony also revealed the work<strong>in</strong>gs of<br />

culture, identity <strong>and</strong> consciousness, <strong>and</strong> the importance of “<strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>in</strong>itiative <strong>and</strong><br />

class aspirations”. Once aga<strong>in</strong>, the persistence of sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g was revealed as the<br />

predom<strong>in</strong>ant economic relation <strong>in</strong> some areas over an extended period of time. Evidence<br />

was also provided of processes of accumulation <strong>and</strong> social change amongst whites <strong>and</strong><br />

the extent of white reliance on black tenants who had kept “a whole generation of<br />

Afrikaners afloat on the l<strong>and</strong>”. <strong>The</strong> life histories also revealed the ways <strong>in</strong> which ethnic<br />

identity had been employed by blacks as a means of “communal protection of<br />

resources” <strong>and</strong> as a “weapon of communal resistance to dispossession”. 139<br />

In spite of Keegan’s commitment to the power of oral history, for him it constituted only<br />

a “supplementary source”. Its purpose was to supplement more formal, written sources<br />

“which provide the larger context of public events, of political <strong>and</strong> constitutional,<br />

economic <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutional developments”. Human memory <strong>in</strong> the form of oral<br />

testimony was “given to error, misconception, elision, distortion, elaboration <strong>and</strong><br />

downright fabrication”. <strong>History</strong>, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, was the product of the “creative<br />

imag<strong>in</strong>ation of the historian” which played “the central role <strong>in</strong> orchestrat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g the diverse, contradictory, fragmentary, momentary pieces of evidence<br />

which survive”. <strong>History</strong> depended on the “accuracy” of the footnotes. And for Keegan,<br />

the value of oral evidence, <strong>in</strong> turn, depended on how carefully it was scrut<strong>in</strong>ised for<br />

“<strong>in</strong>accuracies, hearsay or speculation”. Its value also depended on whether the<br />

<strong>in</strong>formant had a “strong, vivid, perceptive memory” <strong>and</strong> whether his recollections<br />

revealed “larger social experiences <strong>and</strong> forces”. 140<br />

In this conception of ‘history from below’, biographies <strong>in</strong> the form of life histories of<br />

‘ord<strong>in</strong>ary people’ tended to be viewed as w<strong>in</strong>dows on large, collective social processes.<br />

When translated <strong>and</strong> transcribed, they stood as life documents, or sources of evidence,<br />

139 Tim Keegan, Fac<strong>in</strong>g the Storm, pp 132‐147.<br />

140 Tim Keegan, Fac<strong>in</strong>g the Storm, pp 160‐163.<br />

159

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