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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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After collect<strong>in</strong>g oral testimony from his relative, Emelia Pooe, on tape <strong>in</strong> SeSotho over a<br />

period of a year <strong>in</strong> 1979/80, “us<strong>in</strong>g an <strong>in</strong>formal, conversational approach”, Matsetela<br />

effected a “retell<strong>in</strong>g” of her life <strong>in</strong> the form of a biographic article about the life history of<br />

a Free State peasant tenant‐farmer. While an attempt was made to try <strong>and</strong> make Pooe’s<br />

life st<strong>and</strong> on its own, “certa<strong>in</strong> historical facts” were <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> order to “give this<br />

personal story a wider significance”. On its own, her testimony was characterised by<br />

“<strong>in</strong>consistencies <strong>and</strong> gaps” <strong>and</strong> an “<strong>in</strong>capacity ... to supply ‘facts’ other than how ... she<br />

subjectively experienced them”. In addition, Matsetela suggested that when transcribed<br />

<strong>and</strong> translated <strong>in</strong>to English from the orig<strong>in</strong>al SeSotho “for a wider audience”, a<br />

significant proportion of “subtleties <strong>and</strong> idiomatic feel<strong>in</strong>g” was lost. 128<br />

However, much of Pooe’s story had been confirmed by historical research on processes<br />

of rural transformation <strong>and</strong> her story “constitute[d] an authentic ... account of peasant<br />

life” as dealt with <strong>in</strong> the historiography, <strong>and</strong> epitomised the fate of many Orange Free<br />

State communities <strong>in</strong> the n<strong>in</strong>eteenth <strong>and</strong> twentieth centuries. Like other black peasant<br />

farmers, the Pooes had benefited from agricultural skills passed down from generation<br />

to generation. Like many other families, they had taken to sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g on various<br />

farms. Later, they were also displaced from the l<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> the Free State by legislative<br />

measures <strong>and</strong> capitalis<strong>in</strong>g forces <strong>in</strong> agriculture. However, the Pooes had moved to the<br />

Transvaal <strong>in</strong> 1915 where they persisted with sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g for a number of decades, <strong>in</strong><br />

spite of unfavourable conditions <strong>and</strong> the <strong>in</strong>tentions beh<strong>in</strong>d the Natives’ L<strong>and</strong> Act of<br />

1913. As such, Emelia Pooe’s story stood as a case study of the resilience of<br />

sharecroppers <strong>and</strong> the persistence of sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g arrangements <strong>in</strong> the Transvaal <strong>and</strong><br />

even the Free State, albeit <strong>in</strong> modified form. 129<br />

Malete Nkadimeng <strong>and</strong> Georg<strong>in</strong>a Relly, draw<strong>in</strong>g on 20 hours of <strong>in</strong>terview<strong>in</strong>g conducted<br />

with sharecropper Kas Ma<strong>in</strong>e <strong>and</strong> the resultant “wealth of material about his life”,<br />

presented a “tentative” reconstruction of his life story. A “more coherent” picture of<br />

Ma<strong>in</strong>e’s life would only be possible at a later stage, they felt, once testimonies from his<br />

128 Ted Matsetela, ‘<strong>The</strong> Life Story of Nkgono Mma‐Pooe’, pp 212‐213.<br />

129 Ted Matsetela, ‘<strong>The</strong> Life Story of Nkgono Mma‐Pooe’, pp 213‐214, 229‐233.<br />

156

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