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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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clubs, youth societies <strong>and</strong> vigilance associations, many of which belonged to<br />

overarch<strong>in</strong>g structures such as the Transkei Organised Bodies (TOB), <strong>and</strong> which came to<br />

be affiliates of the AAC <strong>and</strong> the Unity Movement.<br />

Tabata ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed constant contact with these cadres, offer<strong>in</strong>g his guidance <strong>and</strong><br />

counsel, keep<strong>in</strong>g up morale, boost<strong>in</strong>g confidence <strong>and</strong> ensur<strong>in</strong>g that political pr<strong>in</strong>ciples<br />

were applied <strong>in</strong> the work of mobilisation on a federal basis. <strong>The</strong>se were the tasks of<br />

<strong>in</strong>ternal cadre management <strong>in</strong> different regions <strong>and</strong> of ensur<strong>in</strong>g a system of mentorship<br />

for younger activists <strong>in</strong> the movement. Tabata also developed <strong>and</strong> susta<strong>in</strong>ed relations of<br />

counsel, guidance <strong>and</strong> persuasion with a range of younger activists outside the fold of<br />

the AAC <strong>and</strong> the Unity Movement dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1940s, as more radical possibilities for<br />

black political expression began to crystallise. Sometimes these <strong>in</strong>ternal <strong>and</strong> external<br />

relations <strong>in</strong>volved either paternalism or patronage on Tabata’s part, <strong>and</strong> sometimes,<br />

they <strong>in</strong>corporated both. While paternalism entailed a relation of tutorship or mentorship<br />

across generation, patronage <strong>in</strong>volved a relation across different hierarchies of power,<br />

authority <strong>and</strong> resources.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se relations of paternalism <strong>and</strong> patronage constituted the lived political associations<br />

through which I.B. Tabata constituted <strong>and</strong> carried out the position of leader. <strong>The</strong>se were<br />

also where the constituent elements of his <strong>biography</strong> were assembled <strong>and</strong> fashioned: of<br />

selfless resistance, comm<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g oratory, matchless authorial capacity <strong>and</strong><br />

unquestionable fortitude <strong>in</strong> the face of repression. <strong>The</strong> political structures <strong>in</strong> which these<br />

relations were exercised <strong>and</strong> performed were marked by the simultaneous,<br />

contradictory elements of adherence to collective leadership <strong>and</strong> political pr<strong>in</strong>ciple on<br />

the one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the production <strong>and</strong> observation of <strong>in</strong>dividual charisma <strong>and</strong> forms of<br />

loyalty, on the other. Through relations of paternalism <strong>and</strong> patronage, Tabata exercised<br />

political leadership as an <strong>in</strong>dividual who was part of a collective. <strong>The</strong>se relations were<br />

also biographical <strong>and</strong> the narrative of Tabata’s life came to st<strong>and</strong> as the model for<br />

younger members to emulate. Later, Tabata’s <strong>biography</strong> became part of a system of<br />

organisational discipl<strong>in</strong>e – a biographic order –which had the consequence of<br />

438

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