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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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policy that had envisaged redivided l<strong>and</strong> to be held collectively after liberation, Tabata<br />

announced that “l<strong>and</strong> that was to be redivided could be sold as private property”. 53<br />

<strong>The</strong>se contradictions, for Hirson, were expressions of Tabata’s “dualism”, <strong>in</strong> terms of<br />

which “as leaders of a national liberation movement”, a position to which they never<br />

adapted, Tabata <strong>and</strong> his colleagues “were unable to advance socialist dem<strong>and</strong>s, while<br />

the movement they led was based on a programme of bourgeois dem<strong>and</strong>s”. As they<br />

tried to “conceal their Marxist background”, <strong>and</strong> “used nationalist rhetoric”, they<br />

“misled countless men <strong>and</strong> women who believed that they were work<strong>in</strong>g for socialist<br />

ends”. 54 In spite of these criticisms, Hirson conceded that Tabata had “significant<br />

th<strong>in</strong>gs to say”, <strong>and</strong> “there were aspects of his life that helped build the tradition [of<br />

socialist <strong>in</strong>ternationalism]”. It was necessary to “give [him] his due for some of his<br />

statements about the problems fac<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>Africa</strong>n people”. 55<br />

Both <strong>in</strong>side <strong>and</strong> on the outskirts of the academy, <strong>in</strong> the work of Allison Drew <strong>and</strong><br />

Baruch Hirson, I.B. Tabata’s political <strong>biography</strong> formed part of projects geared<br />

towards the recovery of socialist pasts through documentary history methods of<br />

archival sequenc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> chronological narration. <strong>The</strong>se recovery projects were<br />

connected to political evaluations of the social analyses <strong>and</strong> political strategies of<br />

socialist activists, <strong>in</strong> order to draw lessons from the storehouse of the past. Tabata’s life<br />

history was turned <strong>in</strong>to a comprehensible story of a rational political th<strong>in</strong>ker <strong>and</strong><br />

activist, whose ‘dualist’ trajectory was expla<strong>in</strong>ed by the self‐subord<strong>in</strong>ation by the<br />

underground WPSA to bourgeois politics <strong>and</strong> nationalist dem<strong>and</strong>s. Tabata’s<br />

<strong>biography</strong> was comprehended as part of the underground history of Trotskyism <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>, whose existence had previously been concealed. As with the empiricist<br />

l<strong>in</strong>eage of Karis <strong>and</strong> Carter, Tabata’s <strong>biography</strong>, here, formed part of an approach to<br />

the history of resistance politics, which sought to place hidden pasts of <strong>in</strong>stitutional<br />

decisions <strong>and</strong> trajectories on record, utilis<strong>in</strong>g the statements <strong>and</strong> views of leaders. This<br />

53 Baruch Hirson, ‘A Short <strong>History</strong> of the Non‐European Unity Movement’, p 85.<br />

54 Baruch Hirson, ‘<strong>The</strong> Dualism of I.B. Tabata’, pp 59, 62; ‘A Short <strong>History</strong> of the Non‐European<br />

Unity Movement’, p 64.<br />

55 Baruch Hirson, ‘<strong>The</strong> Dualism of I.B. Tabata’, pp 59, 62.<br />

313

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