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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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northern Transvaal <strong>and</strong> drew support from Fitakgomo <strong>and</strong> Likwepepe, two migrant<br />

worker organisations which had come <strong>in</strong>to existence <strong>in</strong> Sekhukhunel<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> rural<br />

areas between the Vaal <strong>and</strong> Limpopo. 60<br />

Kayser <strong>and</strong> Adhikari also looked at the impact of repression <strong>and</strong> political<br />

circumstances of exile on these efforts at mobilisation. In late 1964 <strong>and</strong> early 1965, the<br />

arrest <strong>and</strong> detention of APDUSA members <strong>in</strong> Pondol<strong>and</strong> as well as the jail<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong><br />

bann<strong>in</strong>g of the NEUM leadership contributed to the collapse of APDUSA<br />

organisational structures <strong>in</strong> this area, especially after <strong>in</strong>formation had been divulged<br />

under <strong>in</strong>terrogation. While this resulted <strong>in</strong> the loss of contact by the NEUM’s exiled<br />

leadership with their Pondol<strong>and</strong> constituency, nevertheless it did not prevent<br />

“grassroot support” from rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>tact <strong>and</strong> even spread<strong>in</strong>g to the Libode <strong>and</strong><br />

Tabankulu districts. 61<br />

In exile, the unwill<strong>in</strong>gness of the <strong>Africa</strong>n Liberation Committee (ALC) of the OAU to<br />

recognise the NEUM as a liberation movement “became a major obstacle to the<br />

advancement of the NEUM’s cause, especially towards implement<strong>in</strong>g the armed<br />

struggle”. While Kwame Nkrumah eventually agreed to provide military <strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ancial<br />

assistance, this came too late, as Nkrumah was overthrown shortly after the <strong>in</strong>itial<br />

group of UMSA cadres arrived for tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Ghana. With Fourth International<br />

member Ernest M<strong>and</strong>el’s assistance, five UMSA executive members did receive some<br />

military tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Gu<strong>in</strong>ea from Cubans <strong>in</strong> the late 1960s. At least two abortive<br />

attempts at more widespread recruitment of members <strong>and</strong> supporters from <strong>South</strong><br />

<strong>Africa</strong> for military tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the late 1960s <strong>and</strong> early 1970s resulted <strong>in</strong> arrests,<br />

terrorism charges <strong>and</strong> imprisonment. <strong>The</strong> effect was that UMSA <strong>and</strong> APDUSA were<br />

60 Rob<strong>in</strong> Kayser <strong>and</strong> Mohamed Adhikari, ‘“L<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Liberty!”’, pp 6‐13; see also Rob<strong>in</strong> Kayser,<br />

‘L<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Liberty!: <strong>The</strong> Non‐European Unity Movement <strong>and</strong> the L<strong>and</strong> Question, 1933‐1976’, pp 90‐<br />

141.<br />

61 Rob<strong>in</strong> Kayser <strong>and</strong> Mohamed Adhikari, ‘“L<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Liberty!”’, pp 15‐16.<br />

316

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