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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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established through his professional work as an attorney <strong>and</strong> his political activism,<br />

particularly his underground work <strong>in</strong> the early 1960s. 28<br />

M<strong>and</strong>ela’s <strong>in</strong>carceration on Robben Isl<strong>and</strong> paved the way for the rise to leadership of<br />

Tambo, long‐time associate of M<strong>and</strong>ela from Fort Hare days <strong>in</strong> the 1940s <strong>and</strong> also his<br />

Johannesburg law partner <strong>in</strong> the 1950s. In exile, but unconf<strong>in</strong>ed by prison walls, it was<br />

Tambo who “articulated most fully <strong>and</strong> widely the ANC vision of the country’s future”<br />

until his stroke <strong>in</strong> 1989. But Tambo did so, implies Johns <strong>and</strong> Davis, as trusted caretaker<br />

leader on behalf of M<strong>and</strong>ela dur<strong>in</strong>g his enforced absence. However, while <strong>in</strong> prison <strong>and</strong><br />

out of the public eye, M<strong>and</strong>ela “cont<strong>in</strong>ued to exhibit his unique qualities of leadership<br />

among his fellow prisoners” <strong>and</strong> documents <strong>in</strong> a special section of the book are presented<br />

to bear testimony to this. And after his release <strong>in</strong> 1990, M<strong>and</strong>ela began to emerge as the<br />

ANCʹs “prime spokesperson ... at home <strong>and</strong> abroad”. 29<br />

At no stage did Johns <strong>and</strong> Davis attempt to engage with the historiography of resistance <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>, nor with the methodology of their book’s l<strong>in</strong>eage orig<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g largely <strong>in</strong><br />

Johns’ own edit<strong>in</strong>g of the first volume of Karis <strong>and</strong> Carter. Apart from a rudimentary<br />

discussion of audiences, 30 little attempt was made to exam<strong>in</strong>e the production of political<br />

documents, their distribution <strong>and</strong> redistribution <strong>and</strong> the mean<strong>in</strong>gs produced <strong>and</strong><br />

accumulated. Once aga<strong>in</strong>, <strong>Africa</strong>n nationalism was taken as given, with almost no social<br />

analysis nor any analysis of its discursive strategies. Leadership was also taken for<br />

granted. In spite of <strong>biography</strong> be<strong>in</strong>g central to the organisation of the book, the approach<br />

was largely empiricist <strong>and</strong> documentary realist, founded on untheorised notions of the<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>and</strong> leadership. Explanation was sought <strong>in</strong> chronology itself <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> the l<strong>in</strong>ear<br />

forms of causation constructed by the narrative.<br />

28 Sheridan Johns <strong>and</strong> R Hunt Davis, Jr (eds), M<strong>and</strong>ela, Tambo <strong>and</strong> the <strong>Africa</strong>n National Congress, pp<br />

ix, xi, 3, 21.<br />

29 Sheridan Johns <strong>and</strong> R Hunt Davis, Jr (eds), M<strong>and</strong>ela, Tambo <strong>and</strong> the <strong>Africa</strong>n National Congress, pp 4,<br />

317.<br />

30 Sheridan Johns <strong>and</strong> R Hunt Davis, Jr (eds), M<strong>and</strong>ela, Tambo <strong>and</strong> the <strong>Africa</strong>n National Congress, pp<br />

10‐13.<br />

122

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