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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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epudiat[ed] the NEUM concept of leadership <strong>and</strong> a reversion<br />

to the Dube‐Ka Seme tribalist cult of the chief or the leader, of<br />

adulation <strong>and</strong> reverence for the elders <strong>and</strong> contempt for the<br />

young. 16<br />

This accusation was rejected by the AAC leadership with the counter‐claim that <strong>in</strong>deed<br />

it was the “self‐styled”, “omniscient <strong>and</strong> omnipotent” group of four “foundationalists”<br />

who were “busy creat<strong>in</strong>g the cult of the superman”. Viljoen, Jayiya, Kobus <strong>and</strong> Kies<br />

were <strong>in</strong> turn accused of be<strong>in</strong>g “firm protagonists of the leader cult” by imply<strong>in</strong>g that<br />

they “built the NEUM all on their own” <strong>and</strong> that members of affiliates “were merely<br />

attached … as fellow‐travellers”. 17 <strong>The</strong>se accusations <strong>and</strong> counter‐accusations about<br />

leader‐cults, cliques <strong>and</strong> political loyalties constituted public contests over the mean<strong>in</strong>g<br />

of leadership <strong>and</strong> the suitability of relations of political patronage between older<br />

political activists <strong>and</strong> younger members of political formations. It is out of both these<br />

sides of this conflict that the impetus to narrate the life of I.B. Tabata, the leader,<br />

emerged. And it is <strong>in</strong>deed significant that this biographic impetus co<strong>in</strong>cided with<br />

Tabata’s bann<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> the imposition of legal restrictions on his <strong>in</strong>dividual political will.<br />

Indeed, these repressive circumstances were part of the conditions of biographic<br />

production.<br />

Until these biographic beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>gs, Tabata’s life, like the lives of other political figures<br />

such as Ben Kies, had been submerged with<strong>in</strong> public organisational identities of the<br />

Anti‐CAD, the AAC <strong>and</strong> the NEUM as part of what was seen as a ‘collective leadership’,<br />

a cumulative system of ideas. This conception was seen as an advance upon older<br />

political approaches. “<strong>The</strong>re should be no leader or leaders”, Tabata argued at a meet<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>in</strong> Durban <strong>in</strong> 1949, but only a “common leadership on a given programme under certa<strong>in</strong><br />

16 R.E. Viljoen, S.A. Jayiya, C.M. Kobus <strong>and</strong> B.M. Kies, ‘What Has Happened <strong>in</strong> the Non‐European<br />

Unity Movement?’<br />

17 ‘<strong>The</strong> Wreckers of Unity at Work: who is the National Anti‐CAD Committee?’, Issued by the<br />

Secretary, All‐<strong>Africa</strong>n Convention Committee (WP), n.d (c.1959), Crowe‐Rassool Papers. It st<strong>and</strong>s to<br />

reason that I.B. Tabata was the author of this reply. <strong>The</strong> ‘Crowe‐Rassool Papers’ is a name I gave to the<br />

mixed archive of Communist Party <strong>and</strong> Unity Movement materials which had been concealed <strong>in</strong> my<br />

parents’ garage, <strong>and</strong> which had been drawn from the political activism of my maternal gr<strong>and</strong>father,<br />

Daniel Crowe <strong>and</strong> my paternal uncles, Joe (Yousuf) <strong>and</strong> Nasim Rassool.<br />

330

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