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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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“v<strong>in</strong>tage pedigree”, <strong>and</strong> a potential for privilege, which he turned his back on. In spite of<br />

these seem<strong>in</strong>g contradictions across generations, Cl<strong>in</strong>gman argued that Fischer’s<br />

communist political choices <strong>and</strong> activism were <strong>in</strong>deed grounded <strong>in</strong> a family politics of<br />

“conviction <strong>and</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple”. Fischer had <strong>in</strong>herited “a tempered resolve” <strong>and</strong> “a deep<br />

impulse to reconciliation, negotiation <strong>and</strong> peace” from his gr<strong>and</strong>father. His support for<br />

violence <strong>in</strong> the early 1960s had “historic precedents” <strong>in</strong> the struggle of Boer republics<br />

aga<strong>in</strong>st British colonialism, as well as <strong>in</strong> his father Percy’s support for the 1914 rebels. As<br />

an Afrikaner, Fischer wanted Afrikaners <strong>in</strong> general to “f<strong>in</strong>d fulfilment <strong>and</strong> self‐<br />

identification with<strong>in</strong> the larger context of <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>n belong<strong>in</strong>g”. Fischer’s life<br />

trajectory <strong>and</strong> patterns of biographic causation accorded to it were narrated <strong>in</strong> terms of<br />

l<strong>in</strong>es of descent <strong>and</strong> family genealogies of pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>and</strong> commitment, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> the<br />

“examples, gestures, styles [<strong>and</strong>] ways of be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the world” that he had <strong>in</strong>herited. 209<br />

In this emplotment, Cl<strong>in</strong>gman also sought to exam<strong>in</strong>e key moments of transition <strong>and</strong><br />

catharsis <strong>in</strong> the unfold<strong>in</strong>g of Fischer’s life <strong>and</strong> beliefs. Fischer’s decision to support the<br />

turn to violence <strong>in</strong> the early 1960s had been one which “went to the core of his be<strong>in</strong>g”,<br />

<strong>and</strong> which “<strong>in</strong>itially he had not wholly believed”. Indeed, it seemed to mark “a<br />

boundary”, away from his “vision of reconciliation … reciprocity <strong>and</strong> mutuality”, <strong>and</strong>,<br />

while Fischer sought to avoid “dis<strong>in</strong>tegration <strong>in</strong>to futile violence”, “<strong>in</strong> the end he paid<br />

the absolute price”. 210 In October 1964, after he had been charged under the Suppression<br />

of Communism Act along with 11 of his comrades, Fischer was released on bail <strong>in</strong> order<br />

to make it possible for him to travel to London for a Privy Council appeal. After hav<strong>in</strong>g<br />

given an undertak<strong>in</strong>g that he would return to face trial, <strong>in</strong> spite of escalat<strong>in</strong>g repression<br />

<strong>and</strong> the “<strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly th<strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e between accused <strong>and</strong> defence”, Fischer returned to face<br />

trial, notwithst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g the protestations of his SACP comrades <strong>in</strong> London. Fischer had<br />

conv<strong>in</strong>ced his comrades of his argument that “the time had come when leaders ought<br />

not to leave but be prepared to stake everyth<strong>in</strong>g”. While it was necessary to reconstitute<br />

the SACP <strong>in</strong>side <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>, it was also important “to f<strong>in</strong>d a way of play<strong>in</strong>g a<br />

209 Stephen Cl<strong>in</strong>gman, Bram Fischer, pp 27, 109, 286.<br />

210 Stephen Cl<strong>in</strong>gman, Bram Fischer, pp 287, 335.<br />

181

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