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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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took ideas to the rural areas <strong>and</strong> “acted as an important l<strong>in</strong>k between town <strong>and</strong><br />

country”. 65<br />

It was the archival collection constituted as the I.B. Tabata Collection that determ<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

much of the narrative of Kayser’s account of APDUSA <strong>in</strong> the 1960s. Indeed, Tabata’s<br />

op<strong>in</strong>ions, observations <strong>and</strong> political explanations as well as the sequence of his<br />

activites, as gathered from the Collection, drove the account. It was Tabata’s<br />

“optimistic report” on his secret journey to <strong>South</strong>ern Rhodesia, Nyasal<strong>and</strong>, Tanzania<br />

<strong>and</strong> Kenya <strong>in</strong> 1962, undertaken after his ban had expired, <strong>and</strong> his secur<strong>in</strong>g of a<br />

promise of Algerian assistance, that led to the decision by the NEUM executive <strong>in</strong><br />

January 1963 to “embark on armed struggle”. A few months after leav<strong>in</strong>g <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong><br />

(along with Jane Gool <strong>and</strong> Nathaniel Honono), follow<strong>in</strong>g a decision of the executive<br />

committee <strong>in</strong> March 1963, Tabata had the opportunity to be briefed by <strong>and</strong> to engage<br />

with Pondol<strong>and</strong> leaders <strong>and</strong> organisers about their plans for armed struggle. It was<br />

Tabata’s efforts that led to promises of f<strong>in</strong>ancial <strong>and</strong> military assistance. Once the<br />

<strong>in</strong>ternal structures of APDUSA <strong>and</strong> UMSA had been decimated by repression <strong>and</strong><br />

imprisonment, Tabata was at the centre of the ‘small cont<strong>in</strong>gent’ of leaders that<br />

rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> exile. 66<br />

<strong>The</strong> importance of Kayser’s research (<strong>and</strong> the article written with Adhikari) lay <strong>in</strong> the<br />

documentary truths that he sought to place on record as evidence of significant rural<br />

mobilisation <strong>in</strong> the Eastern Cape <strong>and</strong> Transvaal dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1960s, for which APDUSA<br />

had not been accorded any historiographical credit. 67 In documentary terms, it also<br />

challenged a number of stereotypes associated with the Unity Movement, of its<br />

character <strong>and</strong> spread be<strong>in</strong>g largely coloured <strong>and</strong> Western Cape. 68 However, the<br />

65 Rob<strong>in</strong> Kayser, ‘L<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Liberty!: <strong>The</strong> Non‐European Unity Movement <strong>and</strong> the L<strong>and</strong> Question,<br />

1933‐1976’, pp 25‐28.<br />

66 Rob<strong>in</strong> Kayser <strong>and</strong> Mohamed Adhikari, ‘“L<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Liberty!”’, pp 8‐18.<br />

67 Kayser’s research has enabled the political commitment made by APDUSA <strong>in</strong> 1995 “to write the<br />

true history of the Pondol<strong>and</strong> rebellion” to be realised. See <strong>The</strong> APDUSAN, Vol 1, No 1, July 1995.<br />

68 See <strong>in</strong>ter alia Ian Gold<strong>in</strong>, Mak<strong>in</strong>g Race: <strong>The</strong> Politics <strong>and</strong> Economics of Coloured Identity <strong>in</strong> <strong>South</strong><br />

<strong>Africa</strong> (London <strong>and</strong> New York: Longman, 1987), which located the NEUM <strong>in</strong> a narrative of the<br />

radicalisation of coloured politics. See also Gav<strong>in</strong> Lewis, Between the Wire <strong>and</strong> the Wall: A <strong>History</strong> of<br />

318

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