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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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‘public’ misunderstood but an empiricist argument was used to justify a conventional<br />

biographical focus on a public career <strong>and</strong> to close off any possibility of ask<strong>in</strong>g questions<br />

about archival trails <strong>and</strong> the production of lives, as well as the narratives of his life which<br />

Jabavu himself had set <strong>in</strong> place. <strong>The</strong> consequence was a formalist notion of what a<br />

<strong>biography</strong> is, <strong>and</strong> an untheorised picture of Jabavu’s public career between the 1910s <strong>and</strong><br />

1950s, which was seen as reflect<strong>in</strong>g “a very consistent worldview”. 65<br />

Steven Gish’s study of Xuma was another ‘formalist’ <strong>biography</strong>, <strong>in</strong> which a life history<br />

was written up from the chronological arrangement of sources. 66 Through a modus<br />

oper<strong>and</strong>i that was rigorously chronological, Xuma’s life was narrated <strong>in</strong> chapters, which<br />

moved from “the early years, 1893 – 1913” through to “enigmatic elder statesman, 1950‐<br />

1962”. 67 An account of Xuma’s youth <strong>in</strong> the Transkei <strong>in</strong> the late n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century was<br />

followed by an exam<strong>in</strong>ation of his educational experiences <strong>in</strong> the United States. This was<br />

succeeded by a discussion of Xuma’s return to <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> <strong>in</strong> the late 1920s to a career as<br />

a young medical doctor <strong>and</strong> his entry <strong>in</strong>to the world of the educated <strong>Africa</strong>n elite on the<br />

Witwatersr<strong>and</strong>. <strong>The</strong> narrative traced Xuma’s political evolution <strong>and</strong> his emergence as a<br />

prom<strong>in</strong>ent public figure dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1930s, <strong>and</strong> focused on his political achievements while<br />

president of the ANC dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1940s. It ended with discussion of his political activities<br />

dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1950s <strong>and</strong> early 1960s while <strong>in</strong> retirement from organised political life.<br />

Gish’s dissertation was an attempt to write a <strong>biography</strong> of an “exceptional” man, one of<br />

“unprecedented educational <strong>and</strong> professional achievement”. In this list of achievements,<br />

Xuma had graduated from a number of prestigious educational <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>in</strong> the United<br />

States, he was the first “western‐tra<strong>in</strong>ed” <strong>Africa</strong>n medical doctor <strong>in</strong> Johannesburg, <strong>and</strong> he<br />

was the first <strong>Africa</strong>n to acquire an advanced degree <strong>in</strong> public health. He was the longest<br />

serv<strong>in</strong>g ANC president <strong>in</strong> its first 40 years, <strong>and</strong> as president, he helped to transform<br />

<strong>Africa</strong>n protest politics <strong>in</strong>to a national movement. Xuma was also one of the first black<br />

65 Cather<strong>in</strong>e Higgs, <strong>The</strong> Ghost of Equality, p 3.<br />

66 Steven D Gish, ‘Alfred B Xuma, 1893‐1962: <strong>Africa</strong>n, American, <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>n’, Ph.D dissertation,<br />

Stanford University, July 1994.<br />

67 Steven D Gish, ‘Alfred B Xuma, 1893‐1962’, p viii.<br />

135

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