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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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political leadership was exercised through a politics of collective identification <strong>and</strong><br />

mobilisation.<br />

Political expression occurred <strong>in</strong> formal, <strong>in</strong>stitutionalised sett<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>in</strong> which knowledge<br />

production was <strong>in</strong>fluenced <strong>and</strong> determ<strong>in</strong>ed by the discipl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g effects of the<br />

conventions of spoken <strong>and</strong> written language <strong>and</strong> expression, by the orderly rules <strong>and</strong><br />

conventions of meet<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>and</strong> by hierarchies of membership <strong>and</strong> relations of loyalty<br />

<strong>and</strong> respect for leaders. A simultaneously enabl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> ordered political environment<br />

of knowledge production was constituted, which also saw the concurrent formation<br />

<strong>and</strong> regulation of citizens. <strong>The</strong> sett<strong>in</strong>g up of relations between speakers <strong>and</strong> listeners,<br />

<strong>and</strong> writers <strong>and</strong> readers formed the basis of a hierarchical knowledge system that had<br />

implications for notions of collective leadership. At the same time, the unfold<strong>in</strong>g of a<br />

progressist, evolutionary framework for comprehend<strong>in</strong>g the politics of history <strong>and</strong> the<br />

history of politics set up relations between social <strong>and</strong> political forms deemed to be<br />

advanced <strong>and</strong> those deemed to be backward or regressive. In terms of this framework,<br />

the federal structure <strong>and</strong> loyalty to political ideas (<strong>and</strong> not <strong>in</strong>dividual leaders) were<br />

understood as a more developed stage <strong>in</strong> the evolution of organised national<br />

resistance. <strong>The</strong>se were the contradictions <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> a modernist political movement<br />

seek<strong>in</strong>g to comprehend <strong>and</strong> br<strong>in</strong>g a secular order to society through <strong>in</strong>stitution<br />

build<strong>in</strong>g, policy formation <strong>and</strong> processes of narration.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se arenas of knowledge creation <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>struction were spaces of identity<br />

performance <strong>in</strong> which selves were constituted discursively. I.B. Tabata was both<br />

producer <strong>and</strong> product of this discourse community. As people were <strong>in</strong>scribed as<br />

‘<strong>Africa</strong>n’ <strong>and</strong> as ‘non‐European’, <strong>and</strong> ‘non‐European’ figured as the basis of political<br />

unity, Tabata was himself be<strong>in</strong>g constituted <strong>in</strong> political terms. Tabata was made both<br />

<strong>in</strong> his relationships with layers of comrades <strong>in</strong> public <strong>and</strong> cl<strong>and</strong>est<strong>in</strong>e formations as<br />

well as <strong>in</strong> the borderl<strong>and</strong> spaces between the public <strong>and</strong> the private.<br />

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