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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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After the residents of Lesseyton had fought aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>in</strong>corporation <strong>in</strong>to the Transkei<br />

Bantustan <strong>in</strong> the 1980s, what was left of the Tabata farm, the rema<strong>in</strong>s of ‘Xuma’ had<br />

become completely run down by the 1990s. <strong>The</strong> farmhouse had been reduced to rubble<br />

<strong>and</strong> little more than the ru<strong>in</strong>s of its foundations were visible, amid a desperately poor<br />

<strong>in</strong>formal settlement. In spite of the decl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g Bailey fortunes of the Tabata family <strong>and</strong> its<br />

gradual dispersal, their long presence <strong>in</strong> the Bailey‐Lesseyton area was attested to by the<br />

fact that the local river was officially known as the Tabata River <strong>and</strong> that the area itself<br />

had become known colloquially as ‘KwaTabata’. <strong>The</strong> Tabata family graveyard at the foot<br />

of Lesseyton village where Tabata was laid to rest was part of this l<strong>and</strong>scape marked by<br />

the Tabata family’s past <strong>and</strong> an agricultural history of prosperity <strong>and</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e, <strong>and</strong> of<br />

removal <strong>and</strong> rural impoverishment. <strong>The</strong> family’s membership of the Order of Ethiopia<br />

was part of this history.<br />

<strong>The</strong> tensions that emerged at the funeral between the political <strong>and</strong> the religious did not<br />

take the form of open struggles. Instead, it can be argued that the Order’s prom<strong>in</strong>ence <strong>in</strong><br />

the Tabata funeral proceed<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>and</strong> the entry of Christian codes as a means of<br />

remember<strong>in</strong>g Tabata <strong>and</strong> mark<strong>in</strong>g his life <strong>and</strong> death were a measure of the extent of<br />

UMSA’s organisational weakness. At the funeral, UMSA did not have the strength to<br />

conta<strong>in</strong> the narrative boundaries of Tabata’s <strong>biography</strong>. In 1995, Tabata’s grave was<br />

given a monumental gravestone after a ceremony that had been marked by the same<br />

ambiguities ‐ of secularism <strong>and</strong> religiosity, <strong>and</strong> politics <strong>and</strong> Christianity ‐ as the funeral<br />

itself. <strong>The</strong> gravestone proclaimed to the public that Tabata had been “a great politician,<br />

president of the Unity Movement of <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> <strong>and</strong> a great man”. But this was no<br />

heroes’ acre. No matter how strongly the gravestone tried to declare <strong>and</strong> fix a<br />

representation of I.B. Tabata’s public greatness, his rema<strong>in</strong>s ultimately lay <strong>in</strong> an<br />

unassum<strong>in</strong>g family cemetery alongside the graves of his brothers <strong>and</strong> sisters <strong>and</strong> parents<br />

on what may have been an old road to nowhere. 170<br />

170 For a discussion of cemeteries as sites of public history <strong>and</strong> private mourn<strong>in</strong>g, see Jay Ruby, Secure the<br />

Shadow: Death <strong>and</strong> Photography <strong>in</strong> America (Cambridge, MS: MIT Press, 1995), pp 141‐142.<br />

500

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