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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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political leadership. By that time, what rema<strong>in</strong>ed of the political movement was<br />

powerless <strong>in</strong> the face of this familial <strong>and</strong> religious appropriation of Tabata’s <strong>biography</strong>.<br />

Paternalism <strong>and</strong> patronage <strong>in</strong> the family <strong>and</strong> the school<br />

<strong>The</strong> narration of I.B. Tabata’s life occurred through def<strong>in</strong>ite biographical relations as an<br />

<strong>in</strong>tegral part of the unfold<strong>in</strong>g of his life. Initially this narration built upon the<br />

biographical reticence of adherence to collective leadership, which was claimed as a<br />

central feature of the ‘New Road’ taken by the AAC, Anti‐CAD <strong>and</strong> the Unity<br />

Movement dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1940s <strong>and</strong> 1950s. We saw this biographic disavowal proclaimed <strong>in</strong><br />

Tabata’s correspondence with Mnguni, the editor of Inyaniso, as well as <strong>in</strong> his use of the<br />

pseudonym for his published writ<strong>in</strong>g. Nevertheless, we also saw how the seeds of<br />

Tabata’s <strong>in</strong>dividuation <strong>and</strong> <strong>biography</strong> were sewn by the acts of writ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> authorship,<br />

even when this occurred under pseudonyms. Later, when Tabata’s <strong>biography</strong> began to<br />

take on an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly presidential character, his political activities were more <strong>and</strong><br />

more immersed <strong>in</strong> ongo<strong>in</strong>g processes of narrative work. This biographic narration was a<br />

form of representation that did not merely occur “after the event”, but with<strong>in</strong> life itself,<br />

creat<strong>in</strong>g an ongo<strong>in</strong>g dynamic between life <strong>and</strong> narrative. 1 Here, we argue that the shift<br />

from the code of collective leadership <strong>and</strong> selflessness to the politics of presidentialism<br />

also emerged out of the lived relations of paternalism <strong>and</strong> patronage that characterised<br />

Tabata’s political associations <strong>in</strong> the build<strong>in</strong>g of the political movement.<br />

Paternalism <strong>and</strong> patronage also characterised Tabata’s correspondence with Mnguni<br />

<strong>and</strong> Inyaniso <strong>in</strong> 1946. In the 1940s <strong>and</strong> 1950s, Tabata built up a network of activists <strong>in</strong> the<br />

movement, particularly of young men, some of his own generation <strong>and</strong> others who were<br />

younger. Most came from the eastern Cape <strong>and</strong> the Transkei, but there were also some<br />

<strong>in</strong> other parts of the country, such as Johannesburg <strong>and</strong> Durban. This network<br />

constituted his contacts <strong>and</strong> correspondents <strong>in</strong> different localities <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> a variety of<br />

structures such as voter associations, teacher associations, farmers associations, study<br />

1 Stuart Hall (ed), Representation: Cultural Representations <strong>and</strong> Signify<strong>in</strong>g Practices (London: Sage<br />

Publications, 1997), pp 5‐6. See also the discussion of <strong>biography</strong> <strong>and</strong> narrative <strong>in</strong> Chapter One.<br />

437

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