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The Individual, Auto/biography and History in South Africa

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populist resistance to state <strong>in</strong>terference”, <strong>in</strong> spite of the passage of the Natives’ L<strong>and</strong> Act<br />

of 1913. Ma<strong>in</strong>e’s life would be able to shed light on the historical complexities of rural<br />

relations between sharecroppers, labour tenants, wage labourers, <strong>and</strong> white farmers <strong>and</strong><br />

l<strong>and</strong>lords. It would also account for black respectability, dignity <strong>and</strong> resistance, as well<br />

as “the social codes <strong>and</strong> etiquette of race relations”. 151<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce 1979 when the first <strong>in</strong>terview with Ma<strong>in</strong>e took place, more than 60 <strong>in</strong>terviews with<br />

Ma<strong>in</strong>e were conducted, 20 with his black farmer cohort, <strong>and</strong> “dozens” with traders,<br />

lawyers <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>lords. More than 50 <strong>in</strong>terviews with members of Ma<strong>in</strong>e’s family gave<br />

<strong>in</strong>sight to the dynamics of patriarchal control <strong>and</strong> the ways <strong>in</strong> which it was subverted<br />

<strong>and</strong> challenged. Oral testimony on such a large scale allowed for “a great deal of cross‐<br />

check<strong>in</strong>g for accuracy <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternal consistency”. Nevertheless, <strong>in</strong> a methodological<br />

argument similar to Keegan’s, Van Onselen suggested that unless such oral evidence<br />

was able “to square” with documentary evidence, <strong>in</strong> all its magnitude it “counts for<br />

little”. With this perspective, Van Onselen’s “lucky break” came when 850 documents<br />

were h<strong>and</strong>ed over by the Ma<strong>in</strong>e family after Kas Ma<strong>in</strong>e’s death. Ma<strong>in</strong>e had kept these<br />

hidden <strong>in</strong> plastic bags <strong>in</strong> his shack. Among them were letters, receipts, church<br />

membership cards, licences for dogs, bicycles, cars, tractors, passes grant<strong>in</strong>g movement<br />

for bus<strong>in</strong>ess purposes, receipts for livestock <strong>and</strong> gra<strong>in</strong> transactions. <strong>The</strong>se served to<br />

provide “<strong>in</strong>controvertible” evidence of a sharecropp<strong>in</strong>g life. 152<br />

Van Onselen also tried to engage with the difficulties of the chang<strong>in</strong>g “knowledge<br />

transactions” between <strong>in</strong>terviewer <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>terviewee over time, the differences of age,<br />

colour, class <strong>and</strong> gender, the issues of language <strong>and</strong> translation <strong>and</strong> those of subjectivity,<br />

memory <strong>and</strong> reliability. 153 In particular, he po<strong>in</strong>ted to the ways that language choice <strong>in</strong> a<br />

multi‐cultural sett<strong>in</strong>g could <strong>in</strong>fluence the researcher’s effectiveness. When material was<br />

‘generated’ <strong>in</strong> a second or third language, “the result<strong>in</strong>g product will <strong>in</strong> itself partly<br />

151 Charles van Onselen, ‘<strong>The</strong> Reconstruction of a Rural Life’, pp 502‐3.<br />

152 Charles van Onselen, ‘<strong>The</strong> Reconstruction of a Rural Life’, pp 503‐6.<br />

153 I have written on these issues elsewhere with Gary M<strong>in</strong>kley. See Gary M<strong>in</strong>kley <strong>and</strong> Ciraj<br />

Rassool, ‘Orality, Memory <strong>and</strong> Social <strong>History</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>South</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>’. Here I have drawn upon this work.<br />

163

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