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University of Vaasa - Vaasan yliopisto

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524<br />

national-level plans to construct a hydro-electric dam, Evenkijskaya Hydro-Electric<br />

Station (EHES) on the Lower Tunguska river. Primary data derived from a variety <strong>of</strong><br />

sources allow us to assess the impact <strong>of</strong> the two sets <strong>of</strong> stakeholders.<br />

Accordingly, the remainder <strong>of</strong> the paper unfolds as follows. Section 1 provides a<br />

brief overview <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> economic and political institutions in the<br />

Russian Federation, as the context for public CSR policy and private practice.<br />

Section 2 <strong>of</strong>fers a conceptual framework for the paper. Section 3 presents findings<br />

concerning the two case studies. In section 4, we return to our underpinning research<br />

questions and draw some conclusions.<br />

The Russian Federation<br />

The Soviet State<br />

Russia has existed as a state for more than one thousand years, having been the<br />

largest <strong>of</strong> the fifteen republics, in terms <strong>of</strong> geographical scale and population, which<br />

formerly comprised the Union <strong>of</strong> Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). For most <strong>of</strong><br />

the past century, Russia has been at the centre <strong>of</strong> this economic and political union,<br />

which has exhibited a distinctive trajectory. It is a history (during the 20 th century)<br />

marked by revolutions, civil war, and the introduction <strong>of</strong> far reaching state control <strong>of</strong><br />

the economy leading to collectivisation and nationalisation (Brown 2001; Remington<br />

2004; White et al. 2001). This is a history in which the state has dominated public<br />

and private life and in which civil society has been largely impotent or merely an<br />

extension <strong>of</strong> the state (Evans 2005).<br />

Post-communism developments: Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Putin<br />

By the 1980s, it had become apparent that the USSR’s economy was lagging behind<br />

the growth rates <strong>of</strong> western Europe, having been founded on defence and heavy<br />

industries at the cost <strong>of</strong> consumer goods and services (Waller 2005: 8). At the same<br />

time, questions also began to surface about the political structures and processes in<br />

place. During the 1980s 46 and 1990s, the then Russian leader, Gorbachev, who had<br />

recognised the importance <strong>of</strong> the exogenous and endogenous economic and political<br />

forces began to initiate reforms known as glasnost (openness) and perestroika<br />

(restructuring) culminating in the creation <strong>of</strong> the Russian Federation in 1991.<br />

The processes unleashed by Gorbachev can be seen as the antecedents for the<br />

processes <strong>of</strong> ‘democratization’, ‘marketization’ and ‘international integration’<br />

subsequently pursued by Yeltsin and Putin. Marketization, the process <strong>of</strong><br />

restructuring <strong>of</strong> economic interests, called for a transition from the state-owned<br />

centrally-planned economics <strong>of</strong> the Soviet system to a market economy (the declared<br />

final objective <strong>of</strong> marketization). However, the results to date could be said to more<br />

closely resemble an ‘administered economy’ or ‘quasi-market system’ (Brown 2001;<br />

46 For example, this led to regulatory changes such as the 1986 law (that made privately remunerated work legal)<br />

and the Law on Co-operation (that permitted the establishment <strong>of</strong> cooperative enterprises inexpedient <strong>of</strong> the<br />

state) and the 1988 Law on State Enterprise that freed enterprises from the ministries that had previously<br />

controlled them allowing them to become quasi-government corporations and some degree <strong>of</strong> independence.

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