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University of Vaasa - Vaasan yliopisto

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538<br />

The maintenance <strong>of</strong> the long-term social programmes by corporations is also<br />

challenging. One example is the establishment <strong>of</strong> the special “Rosneft class” in a<br />

Turukhansk school after the opening <strong>of</strong> the Vankor field. This was intended to be a<br />

class where only the best students would be accepted to be prepared for future work<br />

in the oil and gas industries. They would have special teachers and all the latest<br />

equipment. But the local school and parent politics meant that the student-selection<br />

process was biased, and no new teachers were hired. The company does little to<br />

police their investment and to make sure it works as intended. (Turukhansk<br />

Administration Official 2008; Turukhansk Environment Specialist 2008)<br />

Conclusions<br />

Having presented our case study evidence, we now return to our underpinning<br />

research questions. They were:<br />

• What is the content <strong>of</strong> Russian public CSR policy?<br />

• To what extent and how has the Russian government driven CSR business<br />

practice in Russia?<br />

• What role has Russian civil society played in promoting and shaping CSR<br />

public policy and business practice in Russia?<br />

In conclusion we find that the content <strong>of</strong> the present Russian governmental CSR<br />

output generally defines CSR in terms <strong>of</strong> immediate business functions such as<br />

providing workplaces, quality products and services and fulfilling tax and other legal<br />

obligations. It also addresses environmental concerns. It does not dwell on the nature<br />

<strong>of</strong> interaction between the government, civil society and business. Most <strong>of</strong> the CSR<br />

policy is formulated on the level <strong>of</strong> federal government. Provincial and district<br />

governments are charged with enforcement <strong>of</strong> the federal policies. However, they<br />

also engage in negotiations with the companies about their CSR activities.<br />

Sometimes they are prepared to ignore violations such as violations <strong>of</strong> environmental<br />

codes in exchange for help with local social programmes. In summary, the role <strong>of</strong><br />

the government in driving CSR in Russian companies is weak. Business itself is<br />

consistently a step ahead in their CSR involvement. Government bases its CSR<br />

publications on business materials. Government, however, <strong>of</strong>ten provides forums<br />

where corporations can meet with their stakeholders (e.g. hearings in the Public<br />

Chamber <strong>of</strong> Russian Federation). Its role is consultative and facilitating. Through<br />

participating in CSR forums and roundtables, government <strong>of</strong>ficials also legitimise<br />

corporate action.<br />

With regard to the role <strong>of</strong> civil society and its impact on corporate behaviour, we find<br />

that is also weak. Case study company reports do not indicate a high level <strong>of</strong><br />

interaction with, or influence by, civil society. Companies regularly provide<br />

assistance to local communities (e.g. educational or health programmes) but are<br />

much less likely to respond to criticism or challenges as in the case <strong>of</strong> EHES. In this<br />

case, interaction between companies and civil society organization <strong>of</strong>ten happens on<br />

corporate terms. The companies do what suit them and when it suits them.<br />

Companies may engage in ‘black PR’ strategies by creating and supporting loyal

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