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University of Vaasa - Vaasan yliopisto

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were dismissed, with each person explaining that so line as the media displayed pubs<br />

at the centre <strong>of</strong> programmes, drinking was glamourised.<br />

867<br />

Thus, heavy drinkers had little to <strong>of</strong>fer, as they did not believe that they had a<br />

problem. Only the reformed alcoholics realised that their previous lifestyles were<br />

damaging, and for them, the cause <strong>of</strong> their drinking remained a mystery, and thus the<br />

solutions remained hidden. Education was a possibility, but only a remote one. They<br />

felt that research into the causes <strong>of</strong> the disease was the most likely way to find any<br />

solutions.<br />

Gambling<br />

Problem gambling involves participation to such a degree that it compromises,<br />

disrupts or damages family, personal or recreational pursuits (Leisieur and Rosenthal,<br />

1991). It is a small section <strong>of</strong> the younger generation who are most likely to develop<br />

a gambling problem. ‘There is substantial amount <strong>of</strong> research indicating that the<br />

onset <strong>of</strong> gambling addiction occurs during adolescence or teenage period’ (Yafee and<br />

Brodsky, 1997 p. 315). Gupta and Derevensky (1998 p. 18) have noted that 'most<br />

youth participate in gambling activities without serious consequences or the<br />

development <strong>of</strong> dependency, yet some feel the need to gamble excessively; assigning<br />

it priority above all else'. Ladoucer et al (2004) confirm this. They discovered that<br />

forty per cent <strong>of</strong> adolescents participate in regular gambling, with rates <strong>of</strong> problem<br />

gambling four times greater than that found in the adult population. Only one in<br />

seven recognised the problem, and none sought help. Ferland et al (2002) discovered<br />

that the used <strong>of</strong> a video improved the knowledge <strong>of</strong> adolescents significantly and<br />

corrected misconceptions. Hodgins et al (2002) found that one third <strong>of</strong> problem<br />

gamblers quit as the result <strong>of</strong> a specific event involving a crisis, <strong>of</strong>ten citing negative<br />

emotions and financial concerns as the reasons.<br />

Finding a suitable sample proved difficult. Few people admit to heavy gambling, and<br />

even fewer confess to an addiction or former addiction. Thus, the first sample<br />

included a pr<strong>of</strong>essional gambler, a casino manager and six managers <strong>of</strong> betting shops.<br />

The pr<strong>of</strong>essional gambler admitted that he was prepared to wager large amounts <strong>of</strong><br />

money on a regular basis, for, as he said, 'that is my job'. He claimed to have seen<br />

many problem gamblers in his life. They were, to him, people who were losing but<br />

did not know when to stop. He felt that this was important. When he lost a set<br />

amount, he would leave the table and wait for the cards to turn in his favour. All <strong>of</strong><br />

those in this sample felt that many problem gamblers simply denied that they had a<br />

problem, and no amount <strong>of</strong> discussion would make them see that they were<br />

unsuccessful. They all believed that there was nothing that could be done to help<br />

them, except that eventually they might see the error <strong>of</strong> their ways.<br />

Gambling shop managers in several northern cities identified regular gamblers within<br />

their establishments. Fifty agreed to participate in structured interview. All agreed<br />

that they liked to bet, but none felt that they did so to excess. Just over half felt that<br />

young people should be allowed to participate in gambling without any form <strong>of</strong><br />

discouragement. The remainder complained that advertisements, particularly those<br />

on the television, made betting appear excessively attractive and should be reduced

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