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University of Vaasa - Vaasan yliopisto

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national policy proposed separation <strong>of</strong> an electric sector from the target <strong>of</strong> this law<br />

and introduce the more stringent standard on the environmental impact assessment <strong>of</strong><br />

the electric sector under the name <strong>of</strong> the MITI. The electric sector strongly opposed<br />

against the MITI. In this case, the narrow relationship between companies and the<br />

government was worsened. In addition, the global environmental charter issued by<br />

Keidanren in 1991, which was a voluntary declaration for corporate environmental<br />

behaviour, caused the confrontation between the MITI and Keidanren, because the<br />

MITI thought this might cause independence <strong>of</strong> Keidanren from the MITI. Since the<br />

strong relationship was slowly broken, NGOs have got a chance to implement the<br />

private politics in a better relationship with companies. At that time, NGOs were<br />

firstly observed by companies as a stakeholder, and companies started to disclose<br />

information. Another good example <strong>of</strong> the slowly changing dynamics between<br />

companies and NGOs was a meeting sponsored by Greenpeace in November 1996.<br />

Greenpeace, long viewed in Japan as an extremely radical environmental group, held<br />

a seminar attended by representatives <strong>of</strong> sixty Japanese companies (Schreurs 2003).<br />

Conclusion<br />

This paper described some transitions in both Japan and Germany. The foreign<br />

pressure <strong>of</strong> the internationalisation <strong>of</strong> environmental policy made companies<br />

recognise the importance <strong>of</strong> the environmental CSR and standards on environmental<br />

management system made information costs for NGOs lower along with the<br />

development <strong>of</strong> the IT technology.<br />

As the governments became able to use a VA as a policy alternative to public<br />

regulation, the regulatory threat started to function. It is still unclear how strong this<br />

affected Japanese environmental CSR, but this explains well about the development<br />

<strong>of</strong> CSR in Germany. Although VAs introduced in Germany have problems to be<br />

solved, for instance the credibility <strong>of</strong> information transparency or the clearance <strong>of</strong> the<br />

set-up process <strong>of</strong> a target must be improved the role <strong>of</strong> VAs to broadly distribute<br />

information with little costs became recognised.<br />

The transition from the public politics to the private politics drastically reduces the<br />

information costs <strong>of</strong> NGOs. This change potentially brings more benefit to the<br />

participating companies and reduces marketing costs through use <strong>of</strong> the credibility <strong>of</strong><br />

NGOs and their marketing campaigns. This can be more observed in Germany,<br />

However Japanese NGOs can also use the private politics from the beginning. WWF<br />

or Greenpeace Japan are likely to use this strategies in Japan.<br />

The change <strong>of</strong> the relationship between companies and the government is the most<br />

gradual way in the transitions described in this paper. However the impact <strong>of</strong> this<br />

change in Japan might be going very huge, because this is the most fundamental<br />

change. The neutralisation <strong>of</strong> the relationship makes the regulatory threat influential<br />

in Japan. The long rule <strong>of</strong> the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan at last ended in 2009.<br />

The new Government party, Japanese Democratic Party, emphasises its will <strong>of</strong><br />

change the relationship between the government and bureaucracy. I am interested in<br />

what will happen in the relationship between companies and the government because

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