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University of Vaasa - Vaasan yliopisto

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708<br />

and Alberini 2002). The function <strong>of</strong> regulatory threat depends on the credibility <strong>of</strong><br />

legislative method, i.e. implementation <strong>of</strong> new regulations in the case <strong>of</strong> defeat <strong>of</strong><br />

voluntary actions. In Japanese case the close relationship between them weakened<br />

the regulatory threat because companies knew the government would consider the<br />

status <strong>of</strong> companies. The costs <strong>of</strong> information acquisition for the government might<br />

not be high at that time however it is doubtful if the monitoring costs, i.e.<br />

transparency and liability <strong>of</strong> information provided by companies was enough low for<br />

the government. Companies leaded legislation in a direction they wanted through<br />

controlling information disclosure. As already argued, NGOs were in Japan as weak<br />

as they were simply externalised from political institution. It was also rare that NGOs<br />

were called for participation in Shingikai. Companies did not disclose information<br />

but a serious problem was that NGOs did not have a sufficient literacy to exactly<br />

understand technical or managerial information <strong>of</strong> companies due to the lack <strong>of</strong><br />

financial and human resources.<br />

In Germany the relationship between the government and companies was neutral.<br />

Thus the regulatory threat worked better than in Japan however this directed<br />

companies to avoid new legislation through closing information. In addition the<br />

hostile relationship between companies and NGOs calcified companies’ attitude. The<br />

responsibility <strong>of</strong> pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> corporate unacceptable environmental degradation lied on<br />

NGOs. Companies did not disclose information in order to avoid being targeted in an<br />

anti-marketing campaign promoted by NGOs (Lyon and Maxwell 2008). The costs<br />

<strong>of</strong> information collection and distribution were significantly high for NGOs.<br />

Change for CSR; Start <strong>of</strong> CSR Development<br />

This section discusses about the dynamic transition which affect the institutions in<br />

Japan and Germany, because the institutions control the information costs. Peter Hall<br />

defined institutions as “formal rules, compliance procedures, and standard operating<br />

practices that structure the relationship between individuals in various units <strong>of</strong> the<br />

polity and economy” (Schreurs 2003). There are many literatures to explore when an<br />

institution fundamentally changed. For example, an unusual event has a big impact to<br />

change political institution. The Chernobyl disaster fundamentally changed German<br />

nuclear policy. The discovery <strong>of</strong> Ozone hole accelerated conclusion <strong>of</strong> Vienna<br />

convention for the protection <strong>of</strong> the Ozone layer. Can we find such an impact on<br />

CSR in these countries? Change <strong>of</strong> availability to political alternative is also<br />

important. Transition <strong>of</strong> policy measure sometimes makes actors’ relationship<br />

change drastically.<br />

Internationalisation <strong>of</strong> Environmental Policy<br />

Environmental policy has been internationalised since 1990s. Although movements<br />

toward internationalisation <strong>of</strong> environmental policy could be found in early time (for<br />

instance the Club <strong>of</strong> Rome) however the UNCED in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 was the<br />

most important event for the environmental CSR in both countries. Since the role <strong>of</strong>

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